An opinion by a Federal soldier of the War.
The Burlington (Iowa) Argus publishes a letter from a soldier who enlisted in the Federal army from Louisa county, in that State. Before he went into the army he was a violent Republican, so much so that he drew up and circulated a petition asking the arrest of Mr. Mahony and other Democrats, who were opposed to the war policy of the Administration. A few months' experience of the actual realities of the war seems to have cured him of the functional heresy of Abolitionism. Since the letter was written, this soldier has gone to his long home, a victim, says the Argue, to this fratricidal strife, so unnatural and human to a Christian and civilized people. His wife, to whom the letter was written, is now a bereaved widow:It is with renewed pleasure that I take my pen in hand to write you. I had expected a letter very strongly until yesterday's male, but have been disappointed. I desire to write to you more especially, as I feel disappointed with regard to the probable result of the war; though a thorough going war man, I have become opposed to carrying on the war after January next. I have been induced to this from a belief that, after that period, we could not be able to conquer it successfully an honorable peace. If, with an immense army, while holding out the right hand of fellowship and terms of amity, and State equality, we cannot whip them, we certainly cannot when we propose to strip them of everything near and dear to them — and all that makes life interesting and valuable. They are of our own race and nation, brave and jealous of their rights privileges and liberties, and will fight harder for an existence with a population for fighting purposes almost equal to that of our own than we will for revenge or conquest for the purpose of producing labor. Their four millions of slaves are worth at least eight millions of ours, which leaves but a small balance of effective strength of only four millions in our favor. Now, when it is recollected that we can, without moral or material injure, stop the war at any time, and when we shall be come fired the act, and that there is no hope for them after January next but in fighting for their independence, it seems to me that our cause is hopeless. With regard to the slaves which we propose to emancipate, they are of great service to the enemy, while they would be correspondingly useless and burdensome to us. Besides they have got them; but, if we could what would we do with them?--They would inundate our country like the flow of the Nile or an army of locust and how should we get rid of them? If we whip the South and get their slaves we get the worst of the bargain.--It would impoverish us to colonize them, if they were willing — if unwilling, it would be impossible. Shall we give them, in addition to what we have already, two hundred thousand lives and five hundred millions of dollars, for the purpose of saddling upon the nation a debt, say of ten hundred millions of dollars, incurred by colonizing the niggers. And shall we do this and for what! Because the people of the South do not like to live with us; because there is no express provision in the Constitution to that effect. Is the Constitution better than the people who made it! Are we to save the Constitution at the expense of the Union? Shall we fulfill a piece of paper to the letter, designed to protect and guard the people, at the price of the liberties of the people! Any men can see a thing after it is done.--It would have been a most infinitely better for us to have parted in peace; in fact we have lived together as long as we could in peace; what remained but separation!. Oh that it had been a peaceable separation. From the difference of our institutions, customs, feelings, and manners. I argue the ultimate necessity of separation. Enough, the war is on our hands, and the only way to get rid of it is to support and war men and measures at the ballot-box. There is a good deal of discontent in the army on account of the turn the war seems to be taking; we have meetings, but very meagre attendance, say a hundred. We rather now expect to go to Little Rock, Ark. Monday Morning Dec. 1.--I received yours, of the 20th ultimo, last evening. Of course there is not much news, but it was gratefully received.--You will see by this that I agree with you in the saying that it get me as though the war is further from a close to day than when it first began; you will say what is my hope. An answer in closing the war by our acknowledging the independence of the South by next spring; if we can have anti-war Congress next spring, they will close the war effectually by refusing to vote more means with which to defray the current expenses thereof; again, their independence will be acknowledged by several foreign nations by the 4th of July next — This, of itself, will amount almost to compulsion; so keep up courage. If I live I think I will be at home next summer; if the war goes on perhaps I can procure a substitute. I shall not deem it a duty to serve the country after January next unless the proclamation is modified; so I will procure a substitute if it will pay.
Wm A Ball
N. E.--This is the last letter he wrote while living, and this is a true copy.
Louisa Hall.
N. E.--This is the last letter he wrote while living, and this is a true copy.
Louisa Hall.
