Narrative of a Yankee spy in Richmond.
The New York
Herald contains a two column letter, written by
Harvey Birch, a spy hailing and dating from
Baltimore.
His sojourn in
Richmond extended from March last up to a few days ago. The following is the narrative of the adventures of this unblushing scoundrel:
Why I Went to Dixie — How I met Mosby.
I left
Washington on the 19th of March last for the purpose of invading the "sacred soil" to a point near
Mason and
Dixon's line.
The object of my journey being of no concern to anybody, I need not take time to disclose.
On the afternoon of the third day I cautiously crossed Ashby's Gap, in the
Blue Ridge, and was just felicitating myself on having succeeded in doing so unobserved when I was surrounded by a grinning gang of
Mosby's robbers.
They declared me to be a Yankee spy, and, in spite of all the persuasion and arguments I could use, made me, prisoner.
Their chief was at
Upperville, and to his august presence I had to be conveyed.
I knew
Mosby was a lawyer and would ask me a hundred questions.
I knew, too, that the same questions and many more would be asked me by half a dozen other officers before I should reach
Richmond, whither I was certain of being sent.
Therefore, on my march to the guerilla chief, I unsacked my brain for a tale which I might safely tell to all, and one calculated to prevent my being treated as an enemy while obliged to remain in the
Confederacy.
In answer to
Mosby's inquiries I told him that I was a refugee from the
North; that I had suffered a long confinement in
Fort Warren, and that I was endeavoring to work my way to
Richmond to offer my services to the Confederate Government.
He apparently credited my tale, treated me very cordially, and, after a couple of days forwarded me under an escort to
Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, then at
Salem.
consists of five regiments, and is composed of the most respectable
Virginians in the rebel service.
Every member of the Third regiment, commanded by
Colonel Owen, and the Fourth, by
Colonel Wickham, claims to be an F. F. V., excepting
McClellan, adjutant of the former regiment, who is a Pennsylvanian, and cousin to
General McClellan, whom he greatly resembles.
These
Virginians are the most conceited and egotistically braggarts that I ever encountered, and most of them are extremely ignorant.
During the week I was a prisoner with the command I heard more rodomontade than ever I heard before in my life, or ever expect to hear again.
It is reported that
Roger A. Pryor has joined the Third regiment as a private.
Twice while I was with them the
Union cavalry offered them battle — once near Little Washington and once at
Sperryville — but on both occasions the bold rebels, though in superior force, after discharging their carbines, galloped away.
I afterwards expressed to several of "the chivalry" my surprise, as a civilian, at their retreating before inferior numbers, and was told that that was "strategy."
It is enough to add that
Fitzhugh Lee sent me to
Gen. Stuart, at
Culpeper, and that the latter, after satisfying himself, from my answers and conversation, that I was a true friend to the
South, forwarded me in charge of one of his aids, with a favorable letter, to
Gen. Winder, whose duty or province it appears to be to dispose finally of all suspected or doubtful persons found within the rebel lines.
Owing to an accident to the train I did not reach
Richmond till after midnight. The morrow being Sabbath — a day sacredly observed in that new nation of fasting and prayer--
General Winder could not be seen.
The orders of
General Stuart's aid requiring him to return at once to his command, I was necessarily transferred to the charge of
Captain Alexander, and made an inmate of that infernal sepulchre, Castle Thunder.
The three following days
General Winder was indisposed, and attended to no business; but on the fourth day I was taken before him. Charity will not permit me, like many others, to describe this functionary as a knave, drunkard, tyrant, and brute, but rather as a supercilious, hoary dotard, too superannuated to comprehend that any but traitors have rights or feelings worthy of respect.--He at first regarded me with suspicion; but I repeated with additions the story I had told
Mosby, and, in answering his questions, managed to interpolate some flattering remarks which I pretended prominent Marylanders had made in regard to him, and the old man's vanity was so tickled that he required no further evidence that I was not a spy, and at once set me at liberty.
Among other things I told him that I was the representative and head of a secret society in
Baltimore and New York, organized for the purpose of procuring soldiers for and otherwise assisting the
South, and had upwards of two hundred and fifty men pledged and ready to follow me as soon as I could effect arrangements with the
Secretary of War for their enrollment and transportation.
He recommended me to see
General George H. Stuart, of
Maryland, and others, and gave me advice and instructions which I soon found it very agreeable to follow.
Interview with the Secretary of War and other Functionaries.
To keep up a show of sincerity and good faith, I sought an interview with
Mr. Seddon, the rebel
Secretary of War, and after reiterating the story of my persecutions by "
Lincoln and his minions," submitted a proposition to furnish the "Confederacy" recruits, &c., from the
North.
It will scarcely be necessary to say that my proposal was joyfully received and promptly accepted.--Without entering into details, I may add that arrangements were afterwards made for the mustering, transportation, &c., of the men.
Without much effort on my part I soon formed the acquaintance of many of the heads of the various departments and their employees, and most of the military officers stationed in and about the city.
Some of these let me into certain
arcara imperil, while through others I was enabled to inspect the fortifications and witness the warlike preparations generally progressing about the capital.
The fortifications of Richmond.
And here let me declare that our people and army officers have been led to greatly overrate the character and magnitude of the defences of this defiant city.
Fortifications they have, it is true; but that they are a quarter as numerous, or as strong, or mount as many or as heavy guns, or occupy as commanding positions as is generally believed, is a great mistake.
The whole number of batteries (as they are called) around the city is twelve, the most formidable of which are arranged to resist an attack by way of the peninsula.
None of them are supplied at present with more than two or three guns.
On the day of the
battle of Chancellorsville I was in Battery No. 8, between the
Richmond and
Fredericksburg and Central Railroads, and it was without a single piece.
The day following
Stoneman's cavalry were within a mile of this point.
The approaches to these batteries are commanded by numerous redoubts and rifle pits for sharpshooters, while in front of each redoubt and each battery is arranged an extensive abails.
Most of the trees, however, forming the latter obstruction, have been indifferently trimmed, and the small branches and twigs lie with the larger ones, so that a few loco foco matches would soon remove the whole.
The rebel authorities feel keenly the want of other fortifications, and intend, as soon as the negroes of that section can be spared from agricultural and other labors, to employ them to supply the deficiency.
The iron-clads at Richmond — the rebel Navy.
Three iron clads, one in the precise style of the
Merrimac, are in process of construction; but owing to the scarcity of mechanics, and iron suitable for armor purposes, they progress very slowly.
In July the track of the city railroad was taken up and is being used for plating.
They have completed one iron-clad similar to the
Merrimac, and the "Torpedo, " upon which
Alexander H. Stephens essayed to visit
Washington.
This
constitutes the entire armament in the
James river — the two or three old propellers, in their present condition, being of no account.
But that the rebels are, making it as efforts elsewhere to strengthen their navy there can be no doubt.
A clerk in the Navy Department, a relative of
Secretary Mallory, assured me that they have nine iron clads being constructed in
Europe, five of which would be ready for sea early in October.
The rebel worthless Projectiles.
In one of the projectile manufactories a large quantity of shell were recently discovered to be worthless having been rendered so by the treachery of some of the workmen.
A majority of the men employed, in these factories are foreigners, who have been imported from
England on blockade runners.
Among them was a man named
William S. Ford, and it becoming known that he formerly resided in New York, he was accused of tampering with the shell, and afterwards tried and condemned by a court martial to be shot.
He declares himself innocent of the offence, and says that the members of the court were all drunk throughout his trial, and that he was convicted only because he had been a Northern man. A few days before this discovery was made, large quantities of shell had been sent from this establishment to the armies, and it is feared that many of them were worthless.
There are several subjects which I would like to present in this letter, but which, for peculiar reasons (as you will learn from a private note), I must reserve for another communication.
Views of the rebel Leaders.
I will therefore conclude this epistle with a short reference to the views of the leading rebels with whom I came in contact, on the subject of peace and foreign intervention.
All of the officers of the
Government with whom I conversed, from
Jeff. Davis down to
Captain Alexander, of Castle Thunder (a great descent to be sure), were emphatic in declaring that peace could only be established with the independence of the
Confederacy; that any propositions having in view the reconstruction or restoration of the
Union would be simply preposterous and insulting.
They express great confidence that at no distant day their nationality will be recognized by both the
French and British Governments.
In one of my conversations with
Mr. Seddon, the
Secretary of War, he said, among other things, that the intervention of
France, when necessary, could be relied upon as a certainty; and that he believed the only reason the
Emperor has delayed it so long was his desire that the
South should exhaust her own resources, and become embarrassed as far as possible, before lending her a helping hand, in order that he might lay her under greater obligations, and be in a position to dictate terms of treaty and alliance the more to his interest and advantage.
But, he continued in the same conversation, let the
Confederacy once be recognized, and peace with the
United States established, and
Napoleon will not belong in finding out that the
Southern people are not to be made the tools of any
European monarchy, and that the geographical and agricultural relations of their country and
Mexico, as well as their commercial interests, demand that they should be of the same nationality.
In the same connection he said, with regard to the
British Government, that its policy towards the
Confederacy had been of the most cowardly and mercenary character, while towards the
North it had exhibited unmistakable symptoms of treachery and aversion; and that he hoped the
North would soon become satisfied that they were waging a fruitless and hopeless war, and, after making peace with the
South, would make good its loss of territory, and at the same time punish the insolence and perfidy of
England, by annexing the Canadas.
This is not by any means all I heard from high officials on the subject of foreign recognition; but I will only add that I was informed by the
private secretary of
Mr. Benjamin, that dispatches had been received at the State Department from
Mr. Slidell, conveying the positive assurance that the
Confederacy would be recognized by
France on or before the 10th of January, 1864.
A rumor is going the rounds on the authority of an "intelligent contraband" that city is now being evacuated; but the story is untrue and absurd.
I know that
Jeff. Davis and all the leading rebels regard
Richmond as the heart of the
Confederacy, without which it would quickly die. I heard
Governor Letcher utter this opinion in Manassas Hall, on or about the 30th of April, when
Hooker made his advance resulting in the
battle of Chancellorsville.
The same idea was publicly proclaimed from
Capitol Hill on the last of June, when the citizens were assembled by the united calls of the
President, the
Governor, and the
Mayor, and implored to organize and repair to the outskirts of the city to resist the advance of
General Dix.
You may, therefore, rest assured that the rebels will not leave
Richmond until
viet armis they are obliged to.
