From our latest Northern files we get some intelligence of interest, which want of space has precluded our publishing.
The summary below will be found interesting:
A List of the Schemes Have Been Defeated
The New York
Herald, of the 27th ult., in blissful ignorance of the disasters which had befallen the
Yankee arms, drew off the following list of the schemes of our "erring brethren" of the
North, and the progress they had made:
First, the designs lately entertained between
Longstreet, in
East Tennessee, and
Joe Johnston, a hundred and fifty miles to the southwestward, near
Dalton, for the expulsion of our army from
Chattanooga, in an attack by way of
Knoxville, have evidently been circumvented.
Longstreet has been compelled to fall back, and is probably moving for a junston with
Johnston, against the column of
Gen. Grant's forces which has advanced to within three miles of
Dalton, although not without some sharp fighting at the mountain pass of
Tunnel Hill.
Confident that the movements of
Gen. Grant's columns
Atlanta has been cleared of the enemy.
In this event the absolute loss of the Tennessee and Virginia Railroad will be apt to expedite the evacuation of
Richmond; for the rear of that city will be opened to
Grant with the possession of this road.
Secondly, while the principal columns on both sides, as between
Grant and the enemy, are operating near
Dalton and
Knoxville, there are, extending westward from
Chattanooga to the
Mississippi river, several heavy Union flanking columns moving south ward, or awaiting their opportunity for a blow at some opposing rebel detachment.
For instance,
Generals Smith and
Grierson, with a heavy body of cavalry, are reported by the rebels as advancing southward from the extreme northwestern corner of
Mississippi supported by a column of six thousand infantry, which the rebel
Gen. Forrest was vainly endeavoring to hold in check Thus.
from the north, the commanding corner of
Georgia, and the entire front of
Alabama and
Mississippi, are covered by the advancing forces of the
Union.
Thirdly,
Admiral Farragn; with a powerful squadron, expressly prepared for the purpose, and with a co-operating land force, is in front of
Mobile.
The city, as a correspondent informs us, is defended by twenty thousand men, and by one or two form table iron-clad rams.
The only serious impediments, how ever, to
Admiral Farragut, are the two regular forts which command the main entrance to
Mobile Bay, and they may require many days shelling before they are silenced or weakened sufficiently to enable our fleet to run the gaunt let. This done, the land force of the rebels will be of littles avail against a bombardment of the city from the water.
We now come to the great central expedition of
General Sherman, moving eastward from
Vicksburg, and reported in our last accounts as having crossed into
Alabama and advanced to
Selma, a place the great military importance of which, as a rebel centre of supplies, and on account of its military workshops and naval depot, and as commanding the navigable
Alabama river down to
Mobile and up to
Montgomery can hardly be over estimated.
The country between
Quitman and
Mobile is poor and thinly inhabited; but the country between the
Mississippi State border and
Selma is exceedingly rich, and especially in slaves and cotton Thus in three
Alabama counties on the line of
Gen Sherman's march —
Sumpter,
Marengo, and
Dallas — there is an aggregate of some sixty thousand slaves against a white population of twenty-five thousand.
Gen. Sherman, then, is striking into the very heart of the negro and cotton and corn region of
Alabama, and the consequences, with or without any fighting must be exceedingly disastrous to the rebel cause.
The objects of this expedition are to out off
Mobile from
Joe Johnston disperse
Polk's broken and demoralized army, to secure the
Alabama river, to seize and use or destroy important rebel military depots and stores of supplies, and to carry consternation and demoralization throughout the co-called Confederacy.
The Unconditional Union State Convention of
Maryland met in
Baltimore on the 22d ult. The result of its deliberations is thus stated in the Baltimore
American
If the pro-slavery men of
Maryland needed another evidence of the rapidly culminating sentiment of the
State on the subject of universal emancipation we think it was furnished by the Unconditional Union State Convention which assembled in this city on the 22d inst. There was no mistaking the voice of the people as munciated by that body.
Rejecting all the equivocations and phrases of double meaning which usually characterize the resolutions of political bodies soliciting public support, the
Convention marched boldly into the work before it and declared for immediate and universal emancipation, and into far as
Maryland is concerned against State compensation.
The unanimity with which he resolutions enunciating these views were stopped shows conclusively that the people of
Maryland are determined not only to be rid slavery, but that in the discussion of the heriots of the institution they have passed beyond the mere question of benefits and adopt the ethical view of the question.
There as a time when they were willing to regard slaves as
property, but that time has passe So rapid has been the development of Public sentiment upon this subject that the masses of the people seem to be alive only to the fact that the principle is
wrong--that they have really no right to delay the repoll of that wrong beyond the time necessary to clothe the measures for its removal with the sanction of legal forms.
Upon the question of competition a member of the
Convention, from
Washington county, took occasion to express to disapproval of the people of his county the course of their
Senator, who had offer resolutions making emancipation dependent on compensation.
In the Maryland Senate, on the 23rd following scene occurred:
Mr. Bayless offered the following:
Whereas, Many of the legal voters of is State are on the tented field, in the army of the United States, beyond the limits of the
State, and by the
Constitution and laws the
State are not entitled to enjoy the elective franchise, unless they vote in the paid of their residence; therefore,
Be it resolved by the General Assembly of Maryland, That the
Secretary of War be and is hereby respectfully requested, as far as may be compatible with the public interest, to grant to the soldiers of this State all the facilities in his power to enable them to return to their respective places of voting, and vote at all elections to be held in this State.
Mr. Briscoe spoke in opposition to the resolutions three or four times, saying that it was a bad policy to invite soldiers from the field to vote; as in the
West, according to the reports of officers, it had resulted disastrous to the army on one or two occasions.
He did not think good Union men could support such a measure.
We had hadenough military interference in the elections of this State.
During his remarks he said he was as good a Union man as any one who occupied a seat on the floor of the Senate.
During the debate a warm controversy ensued between
Messrs Fiery and
Briscoe, in which the latter was denounced as a "traitor in heart and in action."
Mr. Fiery said he could prove him to be so from his record.
It was only owing to the clemency of the
General Government that he was not now excluding his crimes in Fort Lafayette, where that cabal of traitors which had met in
Frederick in 1861--
Teakle Wallis,
Parkin Scott, and others — had been confined.
When the
Union is restored, his record would prove damning, and his condemnation be written in letters of fire, and his children would blush for the action of their father.
Mr. Brisooe said he did not desire any acrimonious discussion on this or any other subject.
The
Senator from
Washington had stated that he had no right to discuss the re
solution as he did, and he rose to claim his right.
He did not believe the
Senator from
Washington really knew what the word traitor meant, and therefore he excused him. A traitor was one who had perjured himself before God and man, and he or any other
Senator who calls him a traitor is a liar.
Mr. Fiery--Do you call me a liar?
Mr. Brisooe--If you pronounce me a traitor I say you are.
Mr. Fiery--I have proven from your record as a member of the Senate that you are a traitor.
Mr. Briscoe--Then you prove yourself a liar.
Mr. Fiery then stated there were other places for these things.
Mr. Briscoe replied he was satisfied, and continued his remarks.
On the conclusion of
Mr. Briscoe's reply,
Mr. Fiery stated he had nothing more to say as to the merits of the resolution, but would reply to the personal attack made upon him elsewhere.
The matter here ended.
The resolutions were passed by the following vote:
Yeas--
Messrs. Bayne,
Bayless,
Campbell,
Crane,
Fiery,
Given,
Kemp,
Ohr,
Purnell,
Rowles,
Tome,
Waters, and
Willis--13.
Nay--
Mr. Briscoe--L.
The movement against Livecla
--meeting in States is rapidly gaining strength.
In "
West Virginia," a "State" of his own creation, the inhabitants have turned upon their protector and stung him. The following are the resolutions of a meeting, held on the 22d inst, at
Claysville:
Whereas the recent demonstrations throughout the country, apparently instigated by those holding or seeking office from the present Administration, give evidences of a concerted movement to secure the re-election of
Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency; and Whereas, we do not believe that a perpetuation of his power to meet as fully as needed the stern yet delicate emergency of the period: therefore, be it resolved--
- 1.
That the country, in our judgment, demands a change of Administration, such as will secure a more vigorous and economical conduct of the war against the rebellion, and a treatment of the subject of slavery which will result in its abolition.
- 2. That the unconditionally loyal men of the nation have thus far sustained Mr. Lincoln as the head of the Government with all their energies, without indulging in the just criticism his course has provoked, fearing that such criticism might weaken his efficiency as President; but that it is now time for them to express their conscientious convictions and no longer, leave the world to suppose that, because, they have cordially supported him while in office, they are, therefore, pledged to his continuance in it for all time to come.
- 3. That while he shall have our hearty support to the last hour of his official existence, we still consider it our solemn duty to procure the election in his place of some man more positive and courageous in character, who shall be able to bring the war to a speedy close, and afterwards to inaugurate such statesmanlike measures of peace as will enable the people to endure the enormous financial burdens which a weak policy has already imposed.
- 4. That the apparent popularity of the President is, in the main, the result of the silence of those opponents of his measures who have supported them through excess of loyalty, while they have charitably over-looked his faults and concealed his weakness; and that an honest expression of public sentiment will show his record to be vulnerable in every point and utterly beyond successful defence.
- 5. That we believe either Hon. S. P. Chase, Major General Fremont, Major General Butler. Major General Banks, or Major General Grant, to be far preferable as a Presidential candidate to Mr. Lincoln; but our judgment is in favor of a civilian rather than a soldier.
- 6. That Salmon P. Chase, from his avowed qualities, his character as a statesman, and his consistent and irreproachable record, is our first choice for the next President, and that we pledge ourselves to use all honorable means to secure his election to that office, and invoke the earnest co-operation of all who value principles more than men and who esteem country more sacred than party.
- 7. That a copy of these resolutions be sent to all the leading newspapers in the United States, with a request to publish the same.
We find the following paragraph in the Philadelphia
Inquirer, telegraphed from
Washington:
‘
Information from
Baltimore indicates the triumph of Henry Winter
Davis, in the recent elections, in carrying the
Delegate Conventions for
Secretary Chase for
President, and the radical platform over the Blair conservatives, who ran tickets headed "
A. Lincoln. "
’
The seizure of the Confederate Privateer Tuscaloosa.
The seizure of the
Tuscaloosa at
Cape Town, by the
British authorities, has been published.
The pretext is that she violated the centrality law by landing a portion of a captured cargo on that coast.
A Federal account says:
‘
After the seizure of the
Tuscaloosa Lieut. Lone lodged a formal protest against the proceeding and proceeded to
Cape Town to consult with legal advisers.
Mr. Graham, the United States Consul, had also lodged a claim against the vessel in behalf of her former owners, and it was thought that the question would be raised as to the legality of her condemnation by
Capt. Semmes, who claims to constitute a prize court by authority from the rebel Government.
The question will have to be argued before and decided by
Sir Wm. Hodges in the Admiralty Court.
’
The
Cape Town Advertiser states that in the seizure of the
Tuscaloosa Admiral Walker acted according to special instructions sent out by the home Government, and the prize will be detained until claimed by her legal owners.
The grounds of the seizure are that the
Tuscaloosa is a vessel belonging to the
United States of America, and not having been adjudicated before a prize court, is still an uncondemned prize, which, having been brought into an English port in violation of the neutrality laws, must accordingly be detained.
The Federal vessel before referred to as captured by the
Tuscaloosa was the
Living Age, before reported.
How many men it takes to "Occupy" Conquered Territory — a poor show for subjugation.
The military department of Western
Virginia requires 35,000 men, scattered at different points, to hold it, and yet it is not held, and Yankee papers are complaining of the successful operations of the rebels in the very list of this subjugated territory.
At this it would take twenty millions of soldiers to occupy" the
Confederate States as long as this any organized resistance to the
Yankee.
The New York
Post copies some of the against
Gen. Kelly, commanding the and demands his removal.
It says
‘
War frequent complaints from the military rtment of
Western Virginia that our force are almost as inefficient for the protect of the country as if we had no army on food that quarter.
All along time Potomac, along the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, It is a feeling of uncertainty and insecurity which ought not to exist
Gen. B. F. Kelly, commands in that region, has an army of 000 men, and should be able to keep the country in perfect peace for the whole to the frontier of
Ohio.
Yet the enemy continually harassing the inhabitants of the gion, plundering our military stations, time to time tearing up the railway, bring the bridges, and interrupting a communication which should be permanently undisturbed
’
We receive the other day from
Maryland a very positions assurance that
Gen. Kelley was sincerely and devotedly loyal to the
Union.
It is pleasure to hear that those who command forces are really desirous
of seeing the rebellion subdued, but the good wishes of a General are not of much importance if he cannot satisfy the people of the district in which he commands of his capacity and energy.
We have before us a Cumberland paper of the 11th instant, the
Civilian and Telegraph, in which the complaints made against his management are set forth.
It is complained that
Gen. Kelley allows the rebels to escape when he might overtake and defeat them; that he guards negligently our wagon trains and stores, suffering them to fall into the hands of the enemy; that he allows false dispatches from his subordinates to be sent to the
Government and published in the newspapers, claiming victories that never wave won, and subsequently takes no pains to correct them.
So successfully has the enemy been in obtaining possession of our stores that
Gen. Kelley has been called in that quarter the rebel Quartermaster.
In the capture of the various wagon trains between
New Creek and
Petersburg, the
Cumberland print estimates that the
Government has lost a million of dollars, besides a considerable number of men, to say nothing of the moral effect of such disasters.
These charges are accompanied by a particular narrative of circumstances, and the testimony of officers in the army is appealed to by way of confirmation.
Now it may be that
General Kelley--though we doubt it vehemently — has done all that can be active, resolute, and sagacious an officer as there is in the service, and that he has only been unfortunate.
The War Department should, and we think will, look narrowly into the matter, and if it finds one-half of what is said against him to be true, or if is only finds that he is so unlucky in his management as not to have been able, with his thirty five thousand men, to keep the region safe from frequent hostile incursions, and our military stores from falling once in two or three weeks into the hands of the enemy; if it finds him never able to come up with the enemy, if it finds, in short, that the people in this department feel wholly insecure as long as he commands, and are impatient to see his place supplied by a more fortunate commander, then it is to be hoped that he will be removed to another sphere of usefulness, and his present post assigned to some person born under a more lucky star than
Gen. Kelley.
The Captors of the Chesapeake to be delivered up to the Federal Government.
The following dispatches from
St. John, N. B., show that the persons who captured the steamer
Chesapeake, of New York, are to be delivered up to the
United States authorities, to be tried as pirates:
‘
St. John, N. B., February 24.--The Police Magistrate delivered his judgment to-day in the
Chesapeake piracy case, ordering the prisoners to be committed to jail for surrender to the
United States authorities.
He said the evidence for the prosecution discloses that the prisoners and other parties captured the steamer
Chesapeake.
It was the work of cowards and villains.
The master of a vessel must have unfettered authority and obedience from his crew and passengers.
’
The evidence on the part of the defence discloses the fact that there is a terrible civil war raging in the
United States, and the only authority given for the seizure of the
Chesapeake is that given by
John Parker, and he had no power to give commissions to others.
There was no authority given in the letter-of-marque to
Parker to transfer his power to another.
He (the
Magistrate) could find no justification for the seizure of the
Chesapeake.
It was
annimo furandi non jure belli It was piracy, robbery, and murder.
It was punishable by the
United States Courts and a case within the extradition treaty.
Application will be made for a writ of
habeas corpus so as to bring the case before the Supreme Court.
Washington, Feb. 24--The State Department has advices that the
Court at S
John, New Brunswick, has delivered an opinion in the
Chesapeake piracy case, sustaining all the points made by the prosecution, and committing the prisoners to jail to await a requisition the
United States authorities.
The Lieutenant-Generalcy of the Yankee army — a senatorial Review of the Generals.
A very interesting debate took place in the
Yankee Senate upon the passage of the bill creating the office of
Lieutenant General which has since been filed by the appointment of
Gen. Grant.
All such discussions are interesting in this country, and this one particularly so:
Mr. Grimes was convinced that the best interests of the country required that the bill should not pass.
Gen. Scott had remained in the army many years, distinguishing himself in the war of 1812-14, and all along down to 1846, when he led our armies victoriously through
Mexico to the halls of the
Montezuma, and yet the office of
Lieutenant General was not directly conferred upon him, but only by brevet.
This office is designed to be of an advisory character, but
Gen. Grant is a man of action, and would desire to be leading armies in the field.
The passage of the resolution, he thought, would inure
Gen. Grant's influence in the army, and since its passage in the
House the
General had written a letter saying his country had already largely honored him. It had been said that we wanted a live General here, implying that the present incumbent of the chief command (
Gen. Halleck) was deficient, and responsible for the many blunders which have been committed.
Was he responsible for the late expedition to
Jacksonville, Fla., a place which we had once or twice before captured and abandoned because it was not worth having, and also for the ridiculous expedition of
Gen. Banks to New Orleans, spending fifty or sixty millions, and resulting finally in the capture of
Port Hudson, which would have fallen anyhow a day after the taking of
Vicksburg?
He was no particular friend of
Gen. Halleck's but he wished to see fair play.
Gen. Grant was wanted for the purposes contemplated in the
West.
He could not direct and command the Army of the Potomac at the foot of
Lookout Mountain, nor direct the operations in
South Carolina.
Some of
Gen. Grant's best friends in the army were satisfied as it is, and he was not disposed to establish this precedent of increasing salaries in this way. He thought a man could command as well as a Major at $6,000 as he could as a
Lieutenant General at $12,000 or $13,000. There were others who would look to the passage of this bill, hoping for the same thing themselves.
Mr. Sherman said that the creation of the office of
Lieutenant General was not designed to reflect upon any other commanders, or to strike at
Gen. Halleck.
There was no proper comparison between the services of
Gen. Scott and
Gen. Grant.
There were but two
Major Generals in the army in the
Mexican war; and the whole army in
Mexico, under command of
Gen. Scott, was not equal at any time to the one army of
Gen. Grant No man on the continent had won such victories or achieved so much.
After his other operations
Vicksburg had been pronounced impregnable.
We had failed to capture it, and it was declared in this country and in
Europe as impossible of capture, but
Gen. Grant organized his own plans, away from
Washington, and it was captured.
For these great achievements we cannot give him less honor than the promotion of the degree.
If any other
Generals win equal victories he would willingly give them the same honor.
There are now seventy
Major Generals in the army, and may not one of them be entitled to higher rank than the others?
General Grant is that man. He was not prepared to condemn
General Halleck or
Gen. Meade, or any one else, in regard to the fact that the Army of the Potomac was now where it was two years ago. The President was in a position to know, and he did not do so. When any officer should, however, by fighting two or three successive battles with
Gen. Lee, drive back his army, and go forward and capture
Richmond, he would confer the same honor as now proposed upon him.
Mr. Johnson said he should vote for the bill, leaving it to the
President to name the officer for the position.
He defended
General Halleck, saying that he conducted the
Corinth campaign successfully.
As regards the Army of the Potomac, the faith of that army showed its undying loyalty and steadfastness.
Since that army has been in the field it has lost one hundred thousand men. The public has been dissatisfied alternately with its different com
manders — with
McClellan,
Burnside,
Hooker, and
Meade — but its not having conflicts success was was not the fault of
General Halleck.
When
McClellan had conducted that uncesseful campaign up to
Williamsburg, and designed that 60,000 men should be marched from here to form a junction with him, and close in
Lee's army, leaving 90,000 here to defend
Washington from any possible attack-- which he did not believe there was at all any possible danger of-- it was not
General Halleck that prevented the movement.
With regard to the battles at
Gettysburg, which are admitted to have been the best fought by military men, and which ware of the highest credit to
Gen. Meade, it is believed to have been a great mistake that he did not then pursue the enemy.
Had that been done he believed there would not now be the Confederate army in
Virginia.
But
Gen. Meade had lost twenty to thirty thousand men at
Gettysburg, and the responsibility was great in regard to such an undertaking.
On consulting his commanders they did not advice the stop.
But who would undertake to blame him?
There were such cases of hairbreadth escape, as it were, from complete success, which may not be avoided.
He had much contact with
Gen. Halleck, and he could any no man labored more attentively and devotedly in his responsible office than be did. He,
Mr. J., did not claim to by more
Mr. Conness urged the adoption of the reclusion in the farm of recommending
General Grant for the office, as he wished the
President to know unmistakably the will of Congress.
Mr. Hale also desired its passage as it come from the
House, and warned
Senators that in withholding this honor from
Gen. Grant they might so excite the sympathy and gratitude of the
American people as that they would make him
President over their heads, as had been done with others.
He would, however, let
Gen. Grant stand on his own marks.
Mr. Wilson explained that the Military Committee in reporting the bill as they did, were determined not to distaste to the
President who should be the
Lieutenant General.--It was known the
President had stood by
General Grant when at first be was not so successful, and who would doubt that he would now?
As to what had been said by the gentleman from
Maryland about
Gen. Hullack, he knew he had been complained of by many, but so had other distinguished officers.
Gen. Halleck had declared a year or more ago that slavery was dead by reason of this war, and in that he indicated not only the soldier realizing the present emergency, but the qualities of the statesman.
The debate was continued by
Messrs. Howe and
Wilkinson in advocacy of
Gen. Grant and in derogation of the conduct of the Army of the Potomac, and by
Mr. Fessenden in support of the view that it was improper for the Senate to name the person for
Lieutenant General, as it had afterwards to act judicially upon the nomination.
On a question being taken on striking out the recommendation of
General Grant, it was carried — yeas 28, nays 12.
Mr. Conness then proposed to amend by inserting after the words
Lieutenant General, "who shall be
General-in-Chief of the armies of the
United States, under the direction of the
President, and who shall remain in chief command during the pleasure of the
President," which was rejected — yeas 10, nays 28.
The bill was then passed — yeas 31, nays 6--the latter being
Messrs. Buckalew,
Davis,
Harding,
Powell,
Saulsbury and
Wright.
Miscellaneous.
The draft in New York and
Missouri was to commence on the 10th inst. In
Ohio, filling the quota by volunteering had been given up as a hopeless job.
The
Tuscumbia, a monster iron-clad at
St. Louis, had broken her back by her own weight while laying at the wharf.
She is, therefore, useless.
T. Barnard, for many years agent of the
Associated Press in
Washington city, died on the 15th inst.
The sum of $10,000,000 is asked from the
Federal Government by the States interested in the
Ohio river for the improvement of its navigation.
The State Conventions of
Connecticut Iowa, and
Indiana, have nominated
Lincoln for re-election.
The Maryland Legislature has voted to buy in conjunction with New York, the battlefield of
Antietam.
Gov. Goodwin, of
Arizona, organized a Government for that Territory on the 29th of December.
Artemus Ward was recently captured by the Indians, bear
Salt Lake, but afterwards released.
