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Circular from Minister de L'huys on the Monroe Doctrine.

The following is a circular from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French Agents in foreign ports, (dated May 4,) upon the subject of the recent Monroe Doctrine resolution of the Yankee Congress:

‘ Gentlemen: The recent vote of the House of Representatives at Washington, on the subject of Mexico, has given rise to certain interpretations which it will be as well to rectify. The idea has arisen that this vote might induce the United States to adopt towards us a new attitude, of such a nature as to affect the cordial feelings existing between the two countries, or, at any rate, to complicate the Mexican question by embarrassments arising from without. We need only, however, observe the circumstances under which the manifestation alluded to took place to understand that the vote is very far from possessing the importance imputed to it. It is doubtless the reflection of the feeling so carefully fostered by the American press in the U States, which leads that people to consider as an indirect attack upon their rights the most legitimate intervention of a European Power, on any point of the American continent. But we must consider that, in the United States, above all others, the legislative assembly may indulge in demonstrations of this character without pledging the Government in any way or forcing it to regulate its conduct accordingly. The imperial Government had, therefore, no reason to conceive any apprehension on this subject, even if the incident had elicited no explanation from the Federal Government; but the Cabinet at Washington has made it a duty spontaneously to anticipate and obviate any unfavorable impressions that we might have formed from it. Mr Dayton called upon me to read a dispatch addressed to him by the Secretary of State for the Union, repudiating all responsibility on the part of the Cabinet of Washington in this matter, and establishing the principle that a vote of the House of Representatives or of the Senate, or even of both Houses, while it would naturally be a subject for the serious attention of the Cabinet, could not possibly oblige it to modify its policy or deprive it of its liberty of action. Mr Seward sees no reason for adopting in the Mexican question any line of conduct other than that which he has followed up to the present time.

’ I answered Mr Dayton that nothing, according to our ideas, could justify a change; that our confidence in the wisdom and prudence of the American Cabinet was too great for us to suspect it of any thoughts of compromising, by hasty acts, the true interests of the United States. In expressing to Mr Dayton how much satisfaction the assurance he was commissioned to give me caused to the Government of the Emperor, I added that I thought, in fact, that, even seen from the point of view of the United States themselves, the choice could not be doubtful between the establishment of a stable and regular Government in Mexico and the perpetuation of an anarchy and its attendant evils, which they themselves had first felt the effects of and called attention to. The reorganization of a great country, which the return of order and security will enable to play an important economical part in the world, should be, for the United States especially, a real source of advantage, because it opens for them a new market, and one by which they more than any one will profit, on account of their proximity. The prosperity of Mexico corresponds with their truest interests, and I could not believe that the Cabinet of Washington would recognize this truth. This answer to Mr Dayton's communication, and the fact of this communication itself, must show you sufficiently in what light the incident on which I now write to you must be regarded.

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