The Newspaper Sentiment at the North.
The boldness of the
Northern press, if it strikes
Lincoln's mind as forcibly as it does the
Confederate public, must darken his prospects of insure rule with shadows of revolution and overthrow.
It is not alone in New York, under the wing of
Governor Seymour, that this "treason," as the
New England Yankees call it, is daily becoming bolder and stronger.
In
Illinois,
Pennsylvania,
Ohio, and all of the
Western States, the angry voice of the populace is becoming more and more clamorous, and the newspaper trumpeters are blowing more defiant blasts than ever.
The Philadelphia
Age, whose editor was arrested some time ago, and got out of Fort Lafayette by an apologetic explanation, now boldly calls on the Democrats of
Pennsylvania to form associations to resist by force any interference of
Lincoln's minions in the freedom of their canvass and election.
We give below some extracts from our late files:
New England and the other Yankee States.
[From the New York Herald, August 18.]
In the last session of the Senate, let it not be forgotten, the chairman of every important committee was a New Englander, the presiding officer was a New Englander, and all the legislation ground out was either to benefit
New England interests, or to supply food to
New England bigotries and hates.--The trade of New York city was to be destroyed by imposing duties which would force foreign merchandise up to
Canada, and thence, by smuggling, into the
United States; while
New England was to avoid the heavy burden of taxation, in great measure, by placing the heaviest excise duties of our internal revenue upon two articles in which her interests are insignificant.
Her six States, with an aggregate population of three million one hundred and thirty-five thousand three hundred and one, according to the census of 1860, are represented by twelve senators, holding the chairmanships of all the most important committees of the Senate of the
Union; while New York, with a population of three million eight hundred and eighty-seven thousand five hundred and forty-two, according to the same census, has but two members in the Senate; and these two, upon every occasion in which they attempted to defend the interests of New York and the
Central States, were roughly overridden and voted down by the "Black Republican Squadron" from
New England.
Thus it is that history repeats itself.
The Puritans fled to this country under pretence of a desire to secure religious liberty; but no sooner had they obtained it for themselves than they commenced burning.
Quakers, nonconformists, witches, and all others whose tenets were not identical with their own, or whose practices they could not understand.
They protested against the ascendancy of the "Black Gulf Squadron" in our national affairs, even provoking a civil war rather than submit to it; but no sooner are they given a chance of power than we find the "Black Republican Squadron" in full sweep, with the black flag hoisted against the rights, interests and opinions of every section of the
Union.
Our whole government to-day is one of Yankee ideas and the most miserable sort of Yankee philanthropic notions.
The sceptre thrown down by the extreme
South, as it rushed out of the
Union, is now wielded more fiercely and remorselessly by the extreme northeastern section of our people.
When will the day come, it may be asked, in which the great Central and Western States will assert their natural supremacy, and crush out the extremists, or corner-men of the continent, as we may call them--one faction of these residing in the southeast and the other in the northeast corner of the
Atlantic seaboard?
When will the day come that we of the Centre and West shall be "
Americans," and not " Yankees, " in the eyes of
Europe, and indeed of all the world?
We are called "Yankees" now — even by our Southern foes, who know better, geographically,--merely because it is seen that we are the helots of a Yankee oligarchy, patiently submitting to Yankee rule, and fighting out a war which had its origin in Yankee intolerance and bigotry.--With seven hundred and fifty thousand more population than the six
New England States put together, we have but two representatives in the Senate of the United States, while
New England has twelve; and, not content with foisting on us the greater part of the burdens of the war, while at the same time ruining the trade and marine of our greatest city-- the greatest city on the continent--
New England has now capped the climax of her oppressions by so arranging it, that while but twelve and a half percent. of her population has been enrolled for the coming draft, no less than twenty-six per cent. of our population in the first ten districts of New York have been enrolled for the same purpose!
Does this really mean that the lives of two and a fraction citizens of New York are but worth the life of one
Massachusetts man?
Or will the
Bay State assert that one of her lanky sons is able to whip two and something over of our New York athletes?
The question is a pertinent one; for, as things are now progressing, no one can tell how soon these questions may be brought to a very practical test.
The only remedy for these evils is for the Centre and Northern States to make a strong alliance, offensive and defensive, during the progress of the Chicago Convention, and to place upon a platform, opposed slike to Southeastern and Northeastern extremists, some conservative soldier or statesman who shall be the vigorous exponent of a national, anti- corner policy.
"running the churches"--Banishment of the Catholic Bishop of Natchez.
[From the Cincinnati Enquirer.]
We publish below a portion of a private letter written by a gentleman of
Natchez to a friend in this city.
It discloses the fact that the War Department is running other churches in the
South than that of the
Methodist.
The Catholic
Bishop at
Natchez was required to go under arrest, and was placed in the small town of
Vidalia, for refusing to pray as the
General Commandant ordered:
‘
"The greatest excitement was on yesterday, (July 26) You are aware that, some time ago, there was an order issued here for all the clergy to read prayers for the
President of the
United States in their respective churches on every Sunday, under pain, if not complied with, that the offenders were to be sent out of their lines, and their churches closed and taken possession of by the military.
This order caused some correspondence between the
Bishop and the
General.
Of course the
Bishop could not comply with the order; the result was an order, issued yesterday, banishing the
Bishop from
Natchez, and requiring him to report by 12 o'clock to the
provost marshal at
Vidalia, to remain until the matter is heard from from
Washington.
The part of the order that closed the church is, by order of the
General, suspended.
The church is opened as usual.
"I went to see the
Bishop early in the morning.
I never witnessed such a sight as when the orphans came to bid their father good-bye.
About 11 o'clock the
Bishop,
Father Gramic and
Father Charles got into a carriage, and
Mr. Quagles,
Mr. Owen and myself stepped into another, and drove down to the ferry.
When we reached
Mr. Grant's store I was surprised to see all the ladies, old and young, waiting for the
Bishop, to take a last farewell.
We got to the ferry, but the boat was not over; so the ladies had time to get to the landing.
They all gathered around the
Bishop, and when the boat came and rang the bell to leave, they all fell on their knees, and, for the last time, the poor
Bishop gave them his blessing.
Oh, I wish you could have witnessed that scene.
I cannot describe it.
"We then got on the boat, and the
Bishop reported to the
provost-marshal.
He was assigned quarters at the hotel for the present, until other quarters can be provided.
The
Bishop is to have the full freedom of the city of
Vidalia, but not to go out of the lines.
He is not to hold other than verbal intercourse with any one.
He was allowed to take any clothing he wanted, and also a servant.
"The
Bishop was the only person, during all the time, that seemed in good spirits.
He will have a very lonely time of it, as there are no troops in
Vidalia but colored ones."
’
The peace question — Seward, the Marplot.
[From the New York Herald, August 18.]
The agitation of an armistice, in view of negotiations for peace through a convention of all the States, has reached the ears of the
Cabinet.
A voice from the
Cabinet responds; but it is not the voice of the Administration.
The hand presented is that of Esau; but the voice is the voice of a treacherous Jacob.
In other words, through a public journal, professedly a mouthpiece of the Administration, the
Secretary of State has entered his protest and his argument against an armistice.
He says that an armistice is "the last hope of the rebels;" that "next to peace they desire of all things — the very thing for which Northern copperheads are constantly clamoring — an armistice and time to talk;" that "an armistice means delay, and delay is the very thing for which
Lee is now fighting;" that an armistice would serve a better purpose to
Lee than a formidable line of entrenchments; "for it would entail no fatigue on his men;" that it "would keep
General Sherman inactive, with the expenses of the war, on which the
Richmond press relies to ruin us, still running on, with half a million of men still withheld from productive labor;" that the talking would be just as costly to us as ghting, while to the
South the time spent in it would be so much saved;" that we "can have no armistice but to arrange details, and that the main question must be settled before hostilities are suspended even for a day."
This is the voice of
Mr. Seward--it is not the voice of
Mr. Lincoln.
We are satisfied that his inclinations are in favor of an armistice, and of negotiations, which will either end in peace or put an end to all discords and divisions in the loyal States on resuming the prosecution of the war.
* * * * * *
The proper course, from these facts, plainly suggested to
Mr. Lincoln, is a reconstruction of his Cabinet, beginning with the State Department and ending with that fifth wheel to the coach,
Attorney-General Bates--a passive instrument of old
Blair and the young
Blairs, and nothing more.
A new and harmonious cabinet of living, earnest, capable, patriotic men, (and they can still be found) will at once enable the
President to respond to the general wish of the people of all parties of the loyal States in behalf of an armistice.
We can tell him that, considering the enormous sacrifices and heavy burdens of the people resulting from this war, and considering our depreciated paper currency, still depreciating in value, and the consequent embarrassment and sufferings to all classes, with the prospect of harder times still before them, nothing but a
bona fide experiment in behalf of peace can save this administration from shipwreck in November next.--Already we hear that active and influential Republicans, despairing of any relief from our existing troubles under
Mr. Lincoln and his present cabinet and do-nothing policy, are beginning to move for an independent national convention in September, and the powerful independent ticket of
General Sherman and
Admiral Farragut.
The late sensible and statesmanlike letter of
General Sherman on negro enlistments will render him, in connection with his merits and successes as a soldier, an acceptable candidate against the field to an immense majority of the people, as matters now stand, leaving
General Grant out of the question.
As for
Admiral Farragut, we know that his name, even to the ticket of
Sherman, would be a tower of strength.
We therefore appeal to
President Lincoln, not as a political adversary, but as a friend, desiring the success not only of the national cause, but success to his administration, to try the experiment, first, of a new Cabinet, and, next, of an embassy to
Richmond, with overtures for an armistice, if nothing more, as the entering wedge to negotiations for peace.
Thus, in the worst event that can possibly happen, the
Government will be placed in the right, the rebellion in the wrong, before the world; the
North will be re-united and the
South will be divided, and the speedy triumph of the
Union cause will be positively secured, together with another term to a successful Administration.
The way to peace.
[From the Chicago Times, August 4.]
There are really no substantial differences in the Democratic party.
If there seems to be differences they are apparent, not real.
There are certainly none which may not be easily reconciled at the ensuing Chicago Convention.
Neither are there differences which may not be, in like manner, harmonized between Democrats and that vast mass of other conservative people who are arraying themselves against the re-election of
Mr. Lincoln.
The Democracy and their allies have a single grand object in view, and that is the speediest possible settlement of the national difficulties upon terms which will be just and honorable to all sections of the country.
Let the Chicago Convention so declare.--Or if this be not sufficiently definite, let the Chicago Convention declare that the
Federal Government ought to hold itself in readiness to accept a proposition from the
Confederates for an armistice and a convention of all the States.
Surely, this is ground upon which every Democrat and every other conservative man can stand.
An armistice preserving the
status quo of the contending armies would not prejudice the military situation of either party; and by a National Convention of all the States, consisting of delegates elected by the people, the whole object of peace and war, of re-construction, of the future of the common country, would be taken from the
Executive Governments of
Washington and
Richmond and handed over to the immediate and direct action of the people.
Is not this sane?
Is not this a fit plank for a sound democratic platform?
And would not the party which should go before the people with such a platform be irresistible?
What surer way — what other way, indeed — to a just and honorable peace, than an armistice and a National Convention ? Had the question of peace or war been remitted to the people of all sections at any time between November, 1860, and March, 1861, there would have been no war. The war was the work, not of the people, but of the partisan leaders.
An immense majority of the people of the
South, as well as in the
North, were against the war. They are against it now; and let them have the opportunity to get together and talk over their difficulties, and they will settle them.
Who will say that they shall not have this opportunity?
Who will say that the people shall not come together in National Convention in behalf of the common county, as their fathers came together and made the
Constitution?
We believe that upon this simple proposition three-quarters of the voters of the
Northern States can be united against the re-election of
Mr. Lincoln.
It is a proposition, and addressed directly to the people, as to whether or not they will take the power of peace and war into their own hands.
It is a proposition which commends itself to the good sense, sound judgment, patriotism, humanity and Christianity of all men. By it the issue will be made between just and honorable peace and interminable war.
Warning words.
[From the
Portland (Me.) Advertiser.]
The
Wade and Winter
Davis protest against the usurpation of
President Lincoln, and which now fills with alarm the leading reflecting minds in the country, contains these significant words of warning:
‘
"The President, by preventing this bill from becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of the rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition.
If those votes turn the balance in his favor, is it to be supposed that his competitor, defeated by such means, will acquiesce? "
’
We hold it as certain as that time rolls round, if
Mr. Lincoln should attempt to claim an election by virtue of the votes of the subserved States, his inauguration would be resisted by a million of bayonets, and loyal leaguers, shoddy contractors and place-hunting followers of the usurper would be swept from the earth, like so much stubble in the pathway of the leviathan.
The great West and Northwest, the
Middle States, and the States in the
East, would not stop to pass resolutions of secession; but they would raise the loved flag of the
Union and drive from the nation's capital, into the
Potomac, the whole horde of placemen who should thus seek to trample out the great popular franchise and cheat the nation of its presidential and legitimate choice.
If a like result of the election shall be effected by undue influence and military control over the votes of soldiers away from their States, and an election claimed by virtue of such perversions of the elective franchise, it would, in like manner, as that indicated by
Messrs. Wade and
Davis, awaken a spirit of revolution and resistance as implacable as the ocean storm.
No, the opposition ask for nothing but fair play and their constitutional rights, and these they will have in the coming elections, though cities be laid in ashes, and blood bathe both valleys and mountain-tops, as the price of them.
The opposition is constituted of a law-abiding and patient people.--They have endured the iron heel of usurpation long enough, and constantly for three years past.
They trust to end it by a constitutional and lawful process, and they will not be cheated out of the hope.
And the warning of
Wade and
Davis is both true and timely.
