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Later from the North.

We have received Northern papers of Thursday, the 12th instant.


The peace rumors — Blair's mission — opinion of "a Union General"--a New commissioner.

The Yankee papers contain a good deal of speculation about the mission of Blair to Richmond. A dispatch from Washington, dated on Wednesday, says:

‘ Information from the Army of the James, received here to-night, is that Frank Blair, Sr., reached Richmond on Monday evening and went quietly to the Spotswood House. Considerable discussion has been had among Democratic members here as to the reason why General Singleton, a celebrated Peace Democrat from Illinois, has had permission granted him to go to Richmond. They allege he has the promise of certain favors from Jeff. Davis, who is willing to make terms with the Democratic party.

’ The New York Times gets up a special peace arrangement on its own account. It has a special telegram from Washington, with the following heading gorgeously displayed in large type. "Very Important — More Rumors about Peace — Reported Appointment of Fifteen Commissioners by the Rebel Congress — Prominent Peace Men Selected — Alexander H. Stephens and Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, Among Them — The Commissioners to proceed North."

Washington, Wednesday, January 11. It will be recollected that a proposition was submitted to the rebel Congress, some weeks ago, to appoint a commission of fifteen to confer with an equal number on our side upon the subject of peace.

It now appears that the rebels have adopted the proposition, and have appointed fifteen commissioners, among whom are Vice-President Stephens; Judge White, of Georgia; Messrs. Boyce and Orr, of South Carolina; Leech and Gillmore, of North Carolina; Reeves, of Virginia; and Smith and Singleton, of Mississippi.

The same paper has a dispatch from Washington purporting to give the sentiments of "a distinguished Union general." This distinguished person cannot see peace so near, as the South, instead of preparing for that event, is going to war more fiercely than ever. He upbraids his brethren out of the army with desiring the continuation of the war instead of the "prompt suppression of the rebellion," and urges them, as the only means of finishing it, to go in themselves instead of putting in "bounty-jumpers" as substitutes. Those in the army are anxious for the end of the war and the subjugation of the South; but are also anxious to see the "respectable" classes at the North going into the ranks. He has read something in the Southern papers about General Lee, and thus translates it:

Lee is, by far, the most popular man now before the Southern people; he has their perfect respect and confidence; they will look upon him, whom their soldiery lovingly style "Uncle Robert," with an affection that will go far toward reconciling them to his extreme supremacy, no matter by what name it may be called.

In such an hypothesis we can see no reason to hope for an early peace. It is a measure looking rather to a more energetic prosecution of a game upon which the South has staked its all, and will be played until human passion and human folly shall have been exhausted from the Southern heart. Continually the declaration is reiterated that complete separation is the only and undying aim of the Southern people. Every hope of foreign aid, however slight, has passed away, and they have manfully supported the bitterness of their disappointment. Every prospect of active sympathy from Northern secessionists has faded from the horizon; yet there is but little practical evidence of despair, and, for all material purposes, the South is just as resolute at this moment as on the day she opened her guns upon Fort Sumter.

* * * * *

We earnestly submit, therefore, that, if the people desire this war to terminate, every possible effort be made to get our best citizens to fill this draft, and in the full numbers called for by the President. There is no other sure means of success. Moral forces are well; but the force of arms is all we have to do with now; we can rely upon no other; and, although we should be abundantly happy to believe that Lee would play the role of General Monk, we can see not the slightest cause of self-congratulation in those indications of his becoming dictator. It means war, not peace.

The Times warns its readers against cherishing any hope that Blair's mission will reveal the fact that the Confederates are about to "back down." As for the views of President Davis, the writer thinks they will be the same as given to Jacques. He will "either secure the independence of the South or perish in the attempt." It does not answer to assume that the situation of the rebel chief is already so desperate that he must be thinking of submission. There are expedients he has not yet tried. His organs are now boldly canvassing them. They are of two kinds — those calculated to strengthen the rebellion at home, and those designed to make stronger friends abroad.

It is proposed to increase the domestic strength of the Confederacy by heavily recruiting its armies from the slave population. It is proposed to increase its strength abroad by making an end of slavery, which has been in Europe the most unpopular feature of the Confederacy; by offering to enter into colonial or other subordinate relations with England or France; or, in default of this, by changing the Confederate Government into a monarchy, so that all the dynasties of Europe will feel the strongest possible inducement to side with it, in order to get clear of the popular institutions of this continent, which are gradually sapping their life.

Now, it is needless for us in the North to discuss what chances these various methods would give to the Jeff. Davis Government. It is enough to know that Government finds hope in them, and that it is even now making all haste to put some of them to the test. So long as such expedients are in reserve, however extreme we may deem them, the rebel Government will not look toward submission. It will try every desperate measure sooner than face that.

The Philadelphia Inquirer says:

‘ We certainly would not advise any one to place any sanguine hopes of peace, or of negotiations for peace, upon the present rumor or report. On any other condition than the Union, peace is out of the category of things possible. The likelihood is, that all these sweet whisperings of peace will now very soon be hushed by the rude blasts of most terrible war.

’ The Washington correspondent of the New York World telegraphs the following on the 11th instant:

‘ The very air has been thick and heavy with peace rumors to-day. A fresh impetus has been given them by the development of the fact that the Democratic politician alluded to in the morning papers as having also gone to Richmond on a peace mission, by permission of the President, is no less a personage than General Singleton, of Illinois. He only preceded Frank Blair by a day or two.

’ Coupled with this, it is said that, in secret session of the rebel Congress, Mr. McMullen's resolutions, introduced some time since, have been agreed to, and the commissioners have been selected on the part of the Confederacy to meet at General Grant's headquarters. Their names are said to be: Orr, of South Carolina; Gilmer, of North Carolina, and Alexander H. Stephens, the rebel Vice-President. These are the rumors. The facts are, that Frank Blair and General Singleton have separately gone on missions devoted to peace, though the former has other business.

Among the rumors prevailing here to-day was one to the effect that General Grant had telegraphed that Alexander H. Stephens had solicited a pass through his lines to visit Washington.


Butler's removal — he Dies hard — his farewell address.

Butler passed through New York on Wednesday en route for Lowell. According to a letter, only "a few personal friends" saw him as he passed through. He issued a farewell address to his army, and had copies of it struck off and sent to the members of Congress at Washington. The following is a copy:

Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina,

Army of the James, January 8, 1865.
Soldiers of the Army of the James,--
Your commander, relieved by order of the President, takes leave of you. Your conduct in the field has extorted praises from the unwilling. You have endured the privations of camps and marches without a murmur; you have never failed to attack when ordered; you have stormed and carried works deemed impregnable by the enemy; you have shown them to be so by holding them against his fiercest assaults in attempting to retake them. Those skilled in war have marvelled at the obstacles overcome by your valor. Your line of works has excited the wonder of officers of other nations who have come to learn defensive warfare from the monuments of your skilled labor. Your deeds have rendered your name illustrious. In after times your general's proudest memory will be to say with you, "I, too, was of the Army of the James."

To share such companionship is a pleasure; to participate in such acts is honor; to have command of such an army is glory. No one could yield it without regret, knowing your willing obedience to orders, witnessing your ready devotion of your blood in your country's cause. I have been chary of the precious charge confided to me. I have refused to order a useless sacrifice of lives of such soldiers, and I am relieved from your command. The wasted blood of my men does not stain my garments. For my action, I am responsible to God and my country.

To the colored troops of the Army of the James: In this army you have been treated not as laborers but as soldiers.--You have shown yourselves worthy of the uniforms you wear. The best officers of the Union seek to command you. Your bravery has won the admiration even of those who would be your masters. Your patriotism, fidelity and courage have illustrated the best qualities of manhood. With the bayonet you have unlocked the iron barred gates of prejudice, opening new fields of freedom, liberty and equality and of rights to yourselves.

Comrades of the Army of the James, I bid you farewell.

Benjamin F. Butler,
Major-General.

A letter from the Army of the James gives an interesting account of his departure from that command:

‘ The order was received at Butler's headquarters about half-past 11 o'clock A. M. yesterday. The only person present who did not appear to be at all surprised was the General himself. Whether he knew that it was coming, or whether he has the faculty of viewing the most unexpected events calmly, is more than I can determine; but certainly the General was not at all disturbed. Immediately on its reception his orders were issued clearly and decisively, and before 3 o'clock he was ready to vacate his command at the front.

’ Adopting the theory that General Butler was removed on account of the Wilmington expedition not meeting with the expected success, only one question remained to puzzle curious military men. They could not imagine why the General had not been removed some days ago. This question, however, received a final solution when General Ord was assigned to the command. The hero of Fort Harrison was away on leave of absence, and the authorities only waited for his return to remove General Butler.

General Ord returned yesterday, and at once proceeded to the headquarters of his command, the Twenty-fourth army corps. He had hardly arrived before he received notification of the removal of General Butler and his own assignment to the command of the Army of the James.

Immediately on the promulgation of the order relieving General Butler and replacing him by General Ord, the staff of the Army of the James assembled around the quarters of their late commander, reinforced by numerous other officers of the command. Numerous would hardly convey and idea of the number of officers present to bid him farewell. The General was deeply affected, and expressed his regrets at parting with an army which, under his command, had achieved so much. But any expressions of sorrow were cut short by the rapidity of the General's arrangements. He had received his orders to report at Lowell at the earliest moment, and before 3 o'clock P. M. he announced that he was ready to leave. The order directing this change instructed General Butler to proceed to Lowell, Massachusetts, and report from thence to the adjutant-general of the army.

Before 3 P. M. the General started for the North. He was accompanied by General Ord, General Devins, General Turner, General Ludlow, Captain Bruce, Captain Clard, Captain DeKay, Lieutenant Merrill, Medical Director Suckley, Major Davis and Captain Wheaton.--Never had an order been more promptly obeyed. All of the above-named officers accompanied the General to Aiken's landing, where he went on board his flagboat, the River Queen. General Butler was accompanied by Captains DeKay and Clark, of his personal staff, while the remaining officers turned their horses' heads homeward. General Ord also accompanied General Butler as far as City Point, where he stopped to see the Lieutenant-General, and returned late last night.


From General Hood.

A telegram from Cairo, dated the 11th, has the following intelligence about General Hood:

‘ The remnant of Hood's army is reported to be fortifying at Corinth, with a view of going into winter quarters at that place. They are also reported to be repairing the Mobile and Ohio railroad.


The late raid into Mississippi.

The Vicksburg Herald (Yankee) has a full account of General Grierson's recent raid in Mississippi. The expedition left Memphis on the 21st ultimo, three thousand strong, consisting of the Second New Jersey, Fourth Missouri, Seventh Indiana cavalry, First Mississippi mounted rifles, Third and Fourth Iowa, Tenth Missouri, Second Wisconsin, Fourth and Eleventh Illinois and Third United States colored. At Egypt, on the Mobile and Ohio railroad, a considerable force of the enemy was encountered and a sharp fight ensued, in which quite a number of the enemy were killed and wounded and five hundred prisoners taken. The rebel Brigadier-General Holcomb was among the killed.

From Egypt the command struck westward, crossing the Mississippi Central railroad below Grenada, destroying thirty mills. Several locomotives and fifty cars were destroyed. At Grenada they destroyed extensive cloth and shoe factories. At Bankston the expedition brought in a few horses and mules and some contrabands. Among the prisoners captured are one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel and twenty-five line officers, and a number of our men, who, to escape the treatment of our prisoners at Andersonville, had joined the rebel army.


Sherman at New Orleans.

The New York papers publish the following telegram. Of the truth of Sherman being at New Orleans, we think there is considerable doubt:

Cairo, January 9.--The steamer Magenta, from New Orleans, brings the announcement of the arrival of the steamship Morning Star, with General Thomas W. Sherman and staff.

’ The gunboat Rattler drifted ashore in a late storm, between Vicksburg and Natchez, and was fired by a gang of guerrillas and burned to the water's edge.

A letter from Mobile to a citizen of New Orleans says that fighting was going on in that vicinity on the 31st ultimo.

The rebels were burning cotton a short distance from Natchez on the 9th ultimo.


Attack on the Yankee picket line on the South side.

A dispatch from the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac, on the 19th, says:

‘ The rebels made another attack on the picket line this morning, just before daylight, and captured a few videttes on the right of the Second division of the Sixth corps.

’ The morning was very dark, and the attacking party approached cautiously behind an old abattis until they were almost at our line ere the pickets were aware of their coming. The men fired their pieces and ran back toward the reserves, but the rebels were so close to them, and being dressed in our uniform, could not be distinguished from our own men, and consequently were not fired on as they otherwise would have been. Not more than two shots were heard during the attack; and they retreated, taking nine men with them and wounding one of the Forty-ninth New York.

Their object seemed to be to obtain food and clothing, as they at once demanded the soldiers' knapsacks and blankets, few of which they got, however, as our men go on picket for twenty-four hours, and only carry one day's rations with them, taking no knapsacks or blankets. They got a few haversacks this morning, and to-day one of them was held up by a rebel to show our troops what they had gained. Some of our soldiers swear vengeance against the raiders, and are waiting an opportunity to pay them back with double fury.


The slavery discussion in the Federal Congress.

In the Yankee House, on Wednesday, the amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery was up. Mr. Townsend, of New York, opposed it, and during his speech had the famous "Crittenden resolutions" read by the Clerk.

Mr. Holman (Indiana) said this amendment could not be adopted without being followed by more radical measures. If, in the judgment of our fathers, slavery was inconsistent with a republican form of government, they would have abolished it. The Democratic party were opposed to the amendment because they want the Constitution preserved as it is. He denied that because of slavery our country had become a hissing and reproach. In consequence of slavery, on the contrary, it had grown in population and wealth, and commanded the respect of the world; nor had its destinies been unduly controlled by Southern men.--The Constitution has been the source of the nation's prosperity, and it is the only ark of our safety.

Mr. Cravens (Indiana) believed that slavery will finally die if gentlemen but address themselves to putting down the rebellion. He believed the war would have been over before now if they had said nothing about slavery. He thought this was not the proper time to make so radical an amendment, and he was opposed to it on the ground of policy, expediency and justice.

Mr. Bromall (Pennsylvania) contended that this question had been passed upon by the people during the late Presidential election; they had given their verdict, and he held that it must be carried out, if not by this, at least by the next Congress. He answered the arguments which had been advanced against the amendment, and contended that the object of the Constitution, as declared in its preamble, was to preserve the liberties of the people.

Mr. Pendleton (Ohio) maintained that the right of amendment is limited to two ways; first, by the letter of the Constitution itself, and next, by the spirit, intent and scope of that instrument, and this idea underlies the foundation. It was not an abstract question, but a question of compact. A change could not be made subverting the Constitution and encouraging a monarchy, because republicanism is at the base of our system, and to overthrow it is not to amend, but to subvert the Constitution. If three-fourths of the States pass such an amendment, and they find that Rhode Island should be the one dissenting State, she would have the right, and it would be her duty, to resist by force, and her cause would become sacred in the eyes of just men and sanctified by God. Such an amendment would not be binding on moral law, and therefore is illegal and void, and it could be enforced only by those who have the power of the sword. In further argument he maintained that it was not in the power of three-fourths of the States to determine the character of the institutions of the other fourth.

We cannot contravene the letter and spirit of the Constitution. We cannot subvert Republicanism, and destroy liberty, and decide the status of the citizens of the States. If this is imposed by force it will become the right to resist by force, and to array all the power which may make resistance effective.--He would stand by the Constitution through good and evil report. He would stand by it as he understood it to the end. He loved his whole country, North and South, and it was because he loved it he would do no act to retard the restoration of peace and the reconstruction of the Union.

Mr. Jenckes (Rhode Island) said he understood the gentleman to remark that, in the future, the cause of rebellion would be traced to others than those now in arms. He would ask the gentleman to say at whose door the sin lies, and by whom committed.

Mr. Pendleton replied that he was not surprised the gentleman was somewhat touched by what he had said. It might be the gentleman misunderstood the exact force of his language, but there possibly might have been in the neighborhood of the gentleman, and in his own State, and in all the free States, those who would infract the Constitution. He (Mr. Pendleton) had said let gentlemen beware how they push their doctrine, lest it would be found that the compact of confederation had first been broken elsewhere than in the South. In conclusion, he declared that he was not influenced by any sectional or partisan feeling, but solely by a regard for the character and perpetuity of our free institutions.

Mr. Jenckes (Rhode Island) expressed his astonishment that Mr. Pendleton called this a compact of confederation, and asked, if we are not one nation, what are we? He called upon the gentleman and all of his school to frame an indictment on the charge that had been made that Northern men had infracted the Constitution.


Message of the Governor of New Jersey--a Copperhead document.

Governor Parker, of New Jersey, sent in his message to the Legislature of that State on Wednesday. It is not as "loyal" as it might be to the Washington Government:

‘ The Governor thinks there would be a much better state of feeling among the eighteen hundred thousand voters of the loyal States, who expressed their dissent from the policy of the National Administration, if it was generally understood that they could oppose the policy of an administration and still be firm friends of the Government and steadfast supporters of the Union.

’ He thinks the mode of reconstruction by a tithe of the people in very small parts of some of the States in rebellion, and elections for President of the United States in them, an act of great injustice to the loyal States, destroying that equality of representation in the Electoral College and Congress which is the foundation of republican government. He argues upon this point at length, and says, if we believe the war is not exhaustive in men and money, we shall not be in a frame of mind to consider the question of peace. He proceeds to argue that the war is a national calamity, bringing innumerable evils and a crushing weight of debt. He thinks the war ought to cease whenever the rebels lay down their arms and return to their allegiance, but that subjugation and conquest will lead to an endless war. We should not only seek to overthrow the rebel Government by force, but also to conciliate the masses over whom it exercises despotic control.

The Governor thinks that the condition of the rebel army is such as to favor peace on the basis he suggests. Sudden and forcible emancipation would produce incalculable misery. It should be graduated, and with the consent of the people where slavery exists, to be a blessing. Whatever differences of opinion exist, we should be united in the determination to maintain the Union of the States.


A "first-rate Notice" from the people of Savannah.

The New York Chamber of Commerce, in discussing the application of Colonel Julian for relief for the people captured in Savannah by Sherman, used such language that even the applicant, Yankee as he was, indignantly withdrew his application from the consideration of that body. The Philadelphia Inquirer comments upon this in language which leads us seriously to consider whether life is a boon while purchased by assuming a position in which a people may be thus spoken of:

Taking umbrage at remarks made in debate by members of the committee appointed by the Chamber of Commerce, he withdraws his application to that body, and suggests that if the Chamber desires to act independently of him, it can do so by sending its contributions to General Geary. The case seems to be this: The citizens of Savannah are too proud to beg, and yet will accept charity. They do not wish to starve, and we are able to buy what they want, although it will be at the sacrifice of one description of needful food for others. Perhaps Colonel Allen is somewhat "high strung" in his sentiments. It is almost time for him to get over that, and to cease to be sensitive as to what is said about his "mission." For the sake of the needy people whom he represents it would be well for him to recollect that he is not now the representative of Southern pride but of Southern want. The easiest way by which he can effect his purpose will be by a dignity which is free from tetchiness.


The Weed-Opdyke suit.

A New York letter, of Wednesday, says:

‘ As everything in this world must some time or other have an end, so in, obedience to the universal law, the public have heard the last of the famous Weed-Opdyke libel suit. It has ended like the story of Rasselas, with a conclusion in which nothing is concluded. In other words, the jury have failed to agree, and though the plaintiff can undoubtedly have a new trial, if he so elect, yet his friends say there is no probability that he will deem it advisable to avail himself of that privilege. The scene when the jury came into court this morning was a lively one. Mr. Weed was in court, surrounded by his friends, but not Mr. Opdyke. It is said that, first of all, the jurors stood seven to five for substantial damages, but afterwards the proportion was nine to three. But Weed's friends contradict that, and say three were for nominal damages and six for acquittal.


Another great naval, and Military expedition about to Start.

A letter from New York, dated the 11th instant, says:

‘ We have some very exciting rumors in Wall street this afternoon relative to another great naval and military expedition. These rumors are of a very specific and circumstantial character; but though it is probable that some of our city journals, with their usual unscrupulousness, will give currency to them tomorrow morning, your correspondent refrains from giving publicity to them here. Gold, you will perceive, has fallen several per cent, and that looks as if some body had heard "good news."


Miscellaneous.

One hundred sailors were selected at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to be sent to-Baltimore on Saturday in the steamer De Soto. Upon being searched, most of them were found to be dressed in citizen's clothing under their outer dress, and were armed — with the intention, probably, of making their escape upon a convenient opportunity. Many of them are desperate characters. They were sent into the hold of the United States ship Vandalia, and the hatches fastened down.

General Grant, on hearing that the citizens of Ohio were preparing a suitable testimonial for General Sherman, ordered the sum of five hundred dollars to be subscribed for him toward that object.

That ferocious she guerrilla, Sue Mundy, with a band, on the night of the 5th instant, killed five members of the Fifteenth Kentucky infantry, near Lebanon, Kentucky. The guerrillas, after committing the deed, turned their attention to the destruction of the rolling stock of the Louisville and Nashville railroad. A number of box-cars, which were stationed on the side track, were set on fire and nearly consumed.

The publication of the incomes in Chicago has begun. The list of those whose incomes are over $3,000 is quite large. The following are the names of those whose income exceeds $100,000: Potter Palmer, $333,485; John V. Farwell, $197,152; Peter Schullter, $108,731. Those whose income is over $50,000, and less than $100,000, number nine; over $40,000, and less than $50,000, three; over $30,000, and less than $40,000, sixteen; over $20,000, and less than $30,000, fifty-one; over $10,000, and less than $20,000, one hundred and thirty-one; under $10,000, and over $3,000, five hundred and ninety-one.

A correspondent of a Boston paper writes from this city that General McClellan leaves for his European tour the first week in February. He has declined the offer of the private vessel tendered by his friends. He leaves in the steamer China, and will be gone a couple of years. He is made perfectly easy in pecuniary matters. He will make a thorough study of the military science in Europe.

A telegraph message was sent, a few days since, from City Point to Chattanooga, with but a single repetition, and that at Pittsburgh. The distance is about two thousand miles.

The Kentucky Legislature has adopted resolutions in favor of emancipation, the consent of the owners being obtained, and compensation made.

On Tuesday, the Union State Convention of Tennessee met in the capitol at Nashville, and organized by electing the Hon. Samuel R. Rodgers, of Knox county, president. Messrs. Mercer, Myers and Cone were chosen vice-presidents.

The Missouri State Convention, on the 11th, passed the following ordinance by a vote of sixty to four: "Be it ordained by the people of the State of Missouri, in convention assembled, that hereafter in this State there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, and all persons held to service or labor as slaves are hereby declared free.

James Guthrie has been elected United States Senator from Kentucky, in place of Lazarus L. Powell--General Rousseau came in ten votes of getting it.

William Pitt Fessenden has been elected United States Senator from Maine.

On Sunday, a scouting party from Clarksville, Tennessee, captured south of the Cumberland river the guerrilla leader, Jake Sly. Sly and four of his men were executed on the spot.

The Galt House, at Louisville, Kentucky, was destroyed by fire on Wednesday night. Two guests were burnt to death.

General Price's army is reported at Buggy depot, on Red river.

Gold was quoted in New York on Wednesday night at 219.

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