previous next

A true discourse written (as is thought) by Colonel Antonie Winkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall, 1589. sent to his particular friend, & by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as having bene seduced by particular report, have entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same.

ALTHOUGH the desire of advancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you used to hold me at home, & the pursute of honorable actions drew me (contrary to your expectation) to neglect that advise, which in love I know you gave me: yet in respect of the many assurances you have yeelded mee of your kindest friendship, I cannot suspect that you will either love or esteeme me the lesse, at this my returne: and therfore I wil not omit any occasion which may make me appeare thankfull, or discharge any part of that duetie I owe you; which now is none other then to offer you a true discourse how these warres of Spaine and Portugall have passed since our going out of England the 18 of Aprill, till our returne which was the first of July. Wherein I wil (under your favourable pardon) for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of those reasons which confirmed me in my purpose of going abroad, as of these accidents which have happened during our aboad there; thereby hoping to perswade you that no light fansie did drawe me from the fruition of your dearest friendship, but an earnest desire, by following the warres to make my selfe more woorthy of the same.

Having therefore determinately purposed to put on this habite of a souldier, I grew doubtfull whether to employ my time in ye wars of the low Countries, which are in auxiliarie maner maintained by her majestie, or to folow the fortune of this voiage, which was an adventure of her and many honorable personages, in revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate of our countrey by the Castilian king: in arguing whereof, I find that by how much the chalenger is reputed before the defendant, by so much is the journey to be preferred before those defensive wars. For had the duke of Parma his turne bene to defend, as it was his good fortune to invade: from whence could have proceeded that glorious honor which these late warres have laid upon him, or what could have bene said more of him, then of a Respondent (though never so valiant) in a private Duell? Even, that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied unto. For the gaine of one towne or any small defeat giveth more renoume to the Assailant, then the defence of a countrey, or the withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former histories may assure us, which have still laied the fame of all warres upon the Invader. And do not ours in these dayes live obscured in Flanders, either not having wherewithall to manage any warre, or not putting on armes, but to defend themselves when the enemie shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our Adventure, we have won a towne by escalade, battred & assaulted another, overthrowen a mightie princes power in the field, landed our armie in 3 several places of his kingdom, marched 7 dayes in the heart of his country, lien three nights in the suburbs of his principall citie, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare: whereby I conclude, that going with an Invader, and in such an action as every day giveth new experience, I have much to vaunt of, that my fortune did rather cary me thither then into the wars of Flanders. Notwithstanding the vehement perswasions you used with me to the contrary, the grounds whereof sithence you received them from others, you must give me leave to acquaint you with the error you were led into by them, who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that it stood more with the safetie of our estate to bend all our forces against the Prince of Parma, then to folow this action by looking into the true effects of this journey, will judicially convince themselves of mistaking the matter. For, may the conquest of these countries against the prince of Parma be thought more easie for us alone now, then the defence of them was 11 yeeres agoe, with the men and money of the Queene of England? the power of the Monsieur of France? the assistance of the principal states of Germanie? and the nobilitie of their owne country? Could not an armie of more then 20000 horse, & almost 30000 foot, beat Don John de Austria out of the countrey, who was possessed of a very few frontier townes? & shall it now be laid upon her majesties shoulders to remoove so mightie an enemie, who hath left us but 3 whole parts of 17 unconquered? It is not a journey of a few moneths, nor an auxiliarie warre of few yeeres that can damnifie the king of Spaine in those places where we shall meet at every 8 or 10 miles end with a towne, which will cost more the winning then will yeerely pay 4 or 5 thousand mens wages, where all the countrey is quartered by rivers which have no passage unfortified, and where most of the best souldiers of Christendom that be on our adverse party be in pension. But our armie, which hath not cost her majestie much above the third part of one yeres expenses in the Low countries, hath already spoiled a great part of the provision he had made at the Groine of all sortes, for a new voyage into England; burnt 3 of his ships, wherof one was ye second in the last yeres expedition called S. Juan de Colorado, taken from him above 150 pieces of good artillerie; cut off more then 60 hulks and 20 French ships wel manned fit and readie to serve him for men of war against us, laden for his store with corne, victuals, masts, cables and other marchandizes; slaine and taken the principal men of war he had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in Portugall, shamefully run at Peniche ; laid along of his best Commanders in Lisbon ; and by these few adventures discovered how easily her majestie may without any great adventure in short time pull the Tirant of the world upon his knees, as wel by the disquieting his usurpation of Portugall as without difficultie in keeping the commoditie of his Indies from him, by sending an army so accomplished, as may not be subject to those extremities which we have endured: except he draw, for those defences, his forces out of the Low countries and disfurnish his garisons of Naples & Milan , which with safetie of those places he may not do. And yet by this meane he shall rather be inforced thereunto, then by any force that can be used there against him : wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more importing then the war in the Low countries. Yet hath the journey (I know) bene much misliked by some, who either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valure, too indifferently of his purposes against us, or too unworthily of them that undertooke this journey against him, did thinke it a thing dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his owne home, a thing needlesse to proceed by invasion against him, a thing of too great moment for two subjects of their qualitie to undertake: And therfore did not so advance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good successe thereof.

The chances of wars be things most uncertaine: for what people soever undertake them, they are in deed as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to give some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against some whom he had in purpose to ruine. But if we consider what wars they be that have made their name so terrible, we shal find them to have bin none other then against the barbarous Moores, the naked Indians, and the unarmed Netherlanders, whose yeelding rather to the name then act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such a conceit of their mightines, as they have considerately undertaken the conquest of our monarchie, consisting of a people united & alwayes held sufficiently warlike: against whom what successe their invincible army had the last yeere, as our very children can witness, so I doubt not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what they are even upon their owne dunghill, which, had it bene set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their first demaund, it might have made our nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of 8 of the 12 pieces of artillerie, which were promised unto the Adventure, lost her majestie the possession of the Groine and many other places, as hereafter shal appeare, whose defensible rampires were greater then our batterie (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left unattempted ?

It was also resolved to have sent 600 English horses. of the Low countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transporta tion hither: and that may the army assembled at Puente de Burgos thanke God of, as well as the forces of Portugall, who foreran us 6 daies together: Did we not want 7 of the 13 old Companies, which we should have had from thence; foure of the 10 dutch Companies; & 6 of their men of war for the sea, from the Hollanders: which I may justly say we wanted, in that we might have had so many good souldiers, so many good ships, and so many able bodies more then we had?

Did there not upon the first thinking of the journey divers gallant Courtiers put in their names for adventurers to the summe of 10000 li. who seeing it went forward in good earnest, advised themselves better, and laid the want of so much money upon the journey?

Was there not moreover a round summe of the adventure spent in levying, furnishing, and maintaining 3 moneths 1500 men for the service of Berghen, with which Companies the Mutinies of Ostend were suppressed, a service of no smal moment?

What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should have bene the i of February, did lay upon us, too many can witnes: and what extremitie the want of that moneths victuals which we did eat, during the moneth we lay at Plimmouth for a wind, might have driven us unto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men do live by, had not God given us in the ende a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath bene often seen, where our owne force & fortune revictualled us largely: of which crosse windes, that held us two dayes after our going out, the Generals being wearie, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely chusing rather to attend the change thereof there, then by being in harborough to lose any part of the better, when it should come by having their men on shore: in which two dayes 25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were scattered from us, either not being able or willing to double Ushant .

These burdens layed upon our Generals before their going out, they have patiently endured, and I thinke they have thereby much enlarged their honour: for having done thus much with the want of our artillery, 600 horse, 3000 foot, 20000 li. of their adventure, and one moneths victuals of their proportion, what may be conjectured they would have done with their ful complement?

For the losse of our men at sea, since we can lay it on none but the will of God, what can be said more, then that it is his pleasure to turne all those impediments to the honor of them against whom they were intended: and he will still shew himselfe the Lord of hosts in doing great things by them, whom many have sought to obscure: who if they had let the action fall at the height thereof in respect of those defects, which were such especially for the service at land, as would have made a mighty subject stoope under them, I do not see how any man could justly have layd any reproch upon him who commanded the same, but rather have lamented the iniquity of this time, wherein men whom forren countries have for their conduct in service worthily esteemed of, should not only in their owne countrey not be seconded in their honorable endevors, but mightily hindred, even to ye impairing of their owne estates, which most willingly they have adventured for the good of their countries: whose worth I will not value by my report, lest I should seem guiltie of flattery (which my soule abhorreth) & yet come short in the true measure of their praise. Onely for your instruction against them who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you hold of such men, you shal understand that General Norris from his booke was trained up in the wars of the Admiral of France, and in very yong yeeres had charge of men under the erle of Essex in Ireland : which with what commendations he then discharged, I leave to the report of them who observed those services. Upon the breach betwixt Don John & the States, he was made Colonell generall of all ye English forces there present, or to come, which he continued 2 yeeres: he was then made Marshall of the field under Conte Hohenlo: and after that, General of the army in Frisland: at his comming home in the time of Monsieurs government in Flanders, he was made lord President of Munster in Ireland , which he yet holdeth, from whence within one yeere he was sent for, & sent Generall of the English forces which her majestie then lent to the Low countries, which he held til the erle of Leicesters going over. And he was made Marshall of the field in England, the enemy being upon our coast, and when it was expected the crowne of England should have bene tried by battel. Al which places of commandement which never any Englishman successively attained unto in forren wars, and the high places her majestie had thought him woorthy of, may suffice to perswade you, that he was not altogether unlikely to discharge that which he undertooke.

What fame general Drake hath gotten by his journy about the world, by his adventures to the west Indies, & the scourges he hath laid upon the Spanish nation, I leave to the Southerne parts to speake of, & refer you to The Booke extant in our own language treating of ye same, & beseech you considering the waighty matters they have in all the course of their lives with wonderfull reputation managed, that you wil esteeme them not wel informed of their proceedings, that thinke them insufficient to passe through that which they undertooke, especially having gone thus far in the view of the world, through so many incombrances, & disappointed of those agreements which led them ye rather to undertake the service. But it may be you wil thinke me herein either to much opinionated of the voiage, or conceited of the Commanders, yt labouring thus earnestly to advance the opinion of them both, have not so much as touched any part of the misorders, weaknes & wants that have bene amongst us, whereof they that returned did plentifully report. True it is, I have conceived a great opinion of the journey, & do thinke honorably of the Commanders: for we find in greatest antiquities, that many Commanders have bene received home with triumph for lesse merite, & that our owne countrey hath honored men heretofore with admiration for adventures unequal to this: it might therfore in those daies have seemed superfluous to extend any mans commendations by particular remembrances, for that then all men were ready to give every man his due. But I hold it most necessary in these daies, sithence every vertue findeth her direct opposite, & actions woorthy of all memory are in danger to be enviously obscured, to denounce the prayses of the action, and actors to the ful, but yet no further then with sinceritie of trueth, & not without grieving at the injury of this time, wherein is enforced a necessitie of Apologies for those men & matters, which all former times were accustomed to entertaine with the greatest applause that might be. But to answere the reports which have bene given out in reproch of the actors and action by such as were in the same: let no man thinke otherwise, but that they, who fearing the casuall accidents of war had any purpose of returning, did first advise of some occasion that should move them thereunto: and having found any whatsoever did thinke it sufficiently just, in respect of the earnest desire they had to seeke out matter that might colour their comming home.

Of these there were some, who having noted the late Flemish warres did finde that many yong men have gone over and safely returned souldiers within fewe moneths, in having learned some wordes of Arte used in the warres, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst us: which being expired they beganne to quarrels at the great mortalitie that was amongst us.

The neglect of discipline in the Armie, for that men were suffered to be drunke with the plentie of wines.

The scarsitie of Surgions.

The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke: and the penurie of victuals in the Campe:

Thereupon divining that there would be no good done: And that therefore they could be content to lose their time, and adventure to returne home againe.

These men have either conceived wel of their owne wits (who by observing the passages of the warre were become sufficient souldiers in these fewe weeks, & did long to be at home, where their discourses might be wondred at) or missing of their Portegues and Milrayes which they dreamed on in Portugall, would rather returne to their former maner of life, then attend the ende of the journey. For seeing that one hazard brought another; and that though one escaped the bullet this day it might light upon him to morow, the next day, or any day; and that the warre was not confined to any one place, but yt every place brought foorth new enemies, they were glad to see some of the poore souldiers fal sicke, yt fearing to be infected by them they might justly desire to go home.

The sicknesse I confesse was great, because any is too much. But-hath it bene greater then is ordinary amongst Englishmen at their first entrance into the warres, whithersoever they goe to want the fulnesse of their flesh pots? Have not ours decayed at all times in France, with eating yong fruits and drinking newe wines? have they not abundantly perished in the Low countreys with cold, and rawnesse of the aire, even in their garrisons? Have there not more died in London in sixe moneths of the plague, then double our Armie being at the strongest? And could the Spanish Armie the last yeere (who had all provisions that could be thought on for an Armie, and tooke the fittest season in the yeere for our Climate) avoyd sicknes amongst their souldiers? May it then be thought that ours could escape there, where they found inordinate heat of weather, and hot wines to distemper them withall?

But can it be, that wee have lost so many as the common sort perswade themselves wee have? It hath bene prooved by strickt examinations of our musters, that we were never in our fulnesse before our going from Plimouth 11000. souldiers, nor above 2500. Marriners. It is also evident that there returned above 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the severall paiments made to them since our comming home. And I have truely shewed you that of these numbers very neere 3000. forsooke the Armie at the Sea, whereof some passed into France and the rest returned home. So as we never being 13000. in all, and having brought home above 6000. with us, you may see how the world hath bene seduced, in beleeving that we have lost 16000. men by sicknes.

To them that have made question of the government of the warres (little knowing what appertaineth thereunto in that there were so many drunkards amongst us) I answere, that in their government of shires and parishes, yea in their very housholdes, themselves can hardly bridle their vassals from that vice. For we see it is a thing almost impossible, at any your Faires or publique assemblies to finde any quarter thereof sober, or in your Townes any Alepoles unfrequented: And we observe that though any man having any disordered persons in their houses, do locke up their drinke and set Butlers upon it, that they will yet either by indirect meanes steale themselves drunke from their Masters tables, or runne abroad to seeke it. If then at home in the eyes of your Justices, Maiors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for every pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: doe they thinke that those base disordered persons whom themselves sent unto us, as living at home without rule, who hearing of wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could never reach to in England, and having it there without mony even in their houses where they lie & hold their guard, can be kept from being drunk; and once drunke, held in any order or tune, except we had for every drunkard an officer to attend him? But who be they that have runne into these disorders? Even our newest men, our yongest men, and our idelest men, and for the most part our slovenly prest men, whom the Justices, (who have alwayes thought unwoorthily of any warre) have sent out as the scumme and dregs of their countrey. And those were they, who distempering themselves with these hote wines, have brought in that sicknesse, which hath infected honester men then themselves. But I hope, as in other places the recoverie of their diseases doeth acquaint their bodies with the aire of the countries where they be, so the remainder of these which have either recovered, or past without sicknesse will proove most fit for Martiall services.

If we have wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be laid upon the captaines (who are to provide for their severall Companies) then upon the Generals, whose care hath bene more generall. And how may it be thought that every captaine, upon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an adventure, could provide themselves of all things expedient for a war, which was alwaies wont to be maintained by the purse of the prince. But admit every captaine had his Surgeon: yet were the want of curing never the lesse: for our English Surgeons (for the most part) be unexperienced in hurts that come by shot; because England hath not knowen wars but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort, which I hope wil warne those yt hereafter go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better preserve mens lives by their skill.

From whence the want of cariages did proceed, you may conjecture in yt we marched through a countrey neither plentiful of such provisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no man of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place unprovided for. And that the General commanded all the mules & asses that were laden with any baggage to be unburdened and taken to that use: and the earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to cary men upon pikes. And the earle (whose true vertue and nobilitie, as it doeth in all other his actions appeare, so did it very much in this) threw down his own stuffe, I meane apparel & necessaries which he had there, from his owne cariages, and let them be left by the way, to put hurt and sicke men upon them. Of whose honorable deservings I shall not need here to make any particular discourse, for that many of his actions do hereafter give me occasion to observe the same.

And the great complaint that these men make for the want of victuals may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of the war; for if to feed upon good bieves, muttons & goats, be to want, they have endured great scarcitie at land, wherunto they never wanted, two daies together, wine to mixe with their water, nor bread to eat with their meat (in some quantitie) except it were such as had vowed rather to starve then to stir out of their places for food: of whom we had too many, who if their time had served for it, might have seen in many campes in the most plentifull countries of the world for victuals, men daily die with want of bread and drinke in not having money to buy, nor the countrey yeelding any good or healthful water in any place; whereas both Spaine and Portugall do in every place affoord the best water that may be, and much more healthful then any wine for our drinking.

And although some have most injuriously exclaimed against the smal provisions of victuals for the sea, rather grounding the same upon an evil that might have fallen, then any that did light upon us: yet know you this, that there is no man so forgetfull, that will say they wanted before they came to the Groine, that whosoever made not very large provisions for himselfe & his company at the Groine, was very improvident, where was plentiful store of wine, biefe and fish, & no man of place prohibited to lay in the same into their ships, wherewith some did so furnish themselves, as they did not onely in the journey supplie the wants of such as were lesse provident then they, but in their returne home made a round commoditie of the remainder thereof. And that at Cascais there came in such store of provisions into the Fleet out of England, as no man that would have used his diligence could have wanted his due proportion thereof, as might appeare by the remainder that was returned to Plimmouth, and the plentifull sale thereof made out of the marchants ships after their comming into the Thames .

But least I should seeme unto you too studious in confuting idle opinions, or answering frivolous questions, I wil addresse me to the true report of those actions that have passed therein: wherin I protest, I will neither hide any thing that hath hapned against us, nor attribute more to any man or matter, then the just occasions thereof lead me unto: wherein it shall appeare that there hath bene nothing left undone by the Generals which was before our going out undertaken by them, but that there hath bene much more done then was at the first required by Don Antonio, who should have reaped the fruit of our adventure.

After 6 daies sailing from the coast of England, & the 5 after we had the wind good being the 20 of April in the evening, we landed in a baie more then an English mile from the Groine, in our long boats and pinnasses without any impeachment: from whence we presently marched toward the towne, within one halfe mile we were encountred by the enemie who being charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our armie lay in the villages, houses & mils next adjoining, and very neere round about the towne, into the which the Galeon named S. John (which was the second of the last yeeres Fleet agaynst England) one hulke, two smaller ships and two Gallies which were found in the road, did beate upon us and upon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning. Generall Norris having that morning before day viewed the Towne, found the same defended on the land side (for it standeth upon the necke of an Iland) with a wall upon a dry ditch: whereupon he resolved to trie in two places what might bee done against it by escalade, and in the meane time advised for the landing of some artillery to beat upon the ships and gallies, that they might not annoy us; which being put in execution, upon the planting of the first piece the gallies abandoned the road, and betooke them to Feroll, not farre from thence: and the Armada being beaten with the artillery and musketers that were placed upon the next shore, left her playing upon us. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the companies, and other provisions ready for the surprise of the base towne, which was effected in this sort.

There were appointed to be landed 1200 men under the conduct of Colonell Huntley, and Captaine Fenner the Viceadmirall, on that side next fronting us by water in long boats and pinnesses, wherein were placed many pieces of artillery to beat upon the towne in their aproch: at the corner of the wall which defended the other water side, were appointed Captaine Richard Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris, and Captaine Sampson Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake to enter at low water with 500 men if they found it passable, but if not, to betake them to the escalade, for they had also ladders with them: at the other corner of the wall which joyned to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed Colonell Umpton, and Colonell Bret with 300 men to enter by escalade. All the companies which should enter by boat being imbarked before the low water, and having given the alarme, Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betoole them to the escalade, for they had in commandement to charge all at one instant. The boats landed without any great difficulty: yet had they some men hurt in the landing. Colonell Bret and Colonell Umpton entred their quarter without encounter, not finding any defence made against them: for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by water, at his first entry, with some of his owne company whom he trusted well, betooke himselfe to that part of the wall, which he cleared before that they offered to enter, and so still scoured the wall till hee came on the backe of them who mainteined the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson; who were twise beaten from their ladders, and found very good resistance, till the enemies perceiving ours entred in two places at their backs, were driven to abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer defended then the other, is (as Don Juan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth) that the enemy that day had resolved in councell how to make their defences, if they were approched: and therein concluded, that, if we attempted it by water, it was not able to be held, and therefore upon the discovery of our boats, they of the high towne should make a signall by fire from thence, that all the low towne might make their retreat thither: but they (whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought upon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted the fire, which made them guard that place til we were entred on every side.

Then the towne being entred in three several places with an huge cry, the inhabitants betooke them to the high towne: which they might with lesse perill doe, for that ours being strangers there, knew not the way to cut them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in fury, fled to the rocks in the Iland, and others hid themselves in chambers and sellers, which were every day found out in great numbers.

Amongst those Don Juan de Luna, a man of very good commandement, having hidden himselfe in a house, did the next morning yeeld himselfe.

There was also taken that night a commissary of victuals called Juan de Vera, who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entry 500 souldiers being in seven companies which returned very weake (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the journey of England, namely:

Under Don Juan de Luna Don Diego Barran, a bastard sonne of the Marques of Santa Cruz; his company was that night in the Galeon.
Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrid .
Don Pedro de Manriques brother to the Earle of Paxides.
Don Jeronimo de Mourray of the Order of S. Juan, with some of the towne were in the fort.
Don Gomez de Caramasal then at Madrid .
Captaine Manco Caucaso de Socas.

  • Also there came in that day of our landing from Retanzas the companies of Don Juan de Mosalle, and Don Pedro poure de Leon .
  • Also he saith that there was order given for baking of 300000 of biscuit, some in Batansas, some in Ribadeo , and the rest there.
  • There were then in the towne 2000 pipes of wine, and 150 in the ships.
  • That there were lately come unto the Marques of Seralba 300000 ducats.
  • That there were 1000 jarres of oile.
  • A great quantity of beanes, peaze, wheat, and fish.
  • That there were 3000 quintals of beefe.
  • And that not twenty dayes before, there came in three barks laden with match & harquebuzes.

Some others also found favour to be taken prisoners, but the rest falling into the hands of the common souldiers, had their throats cut, to the number of 500, as I conjecture, first and last, after we had entred the towne; and in the entry thereof there was found every celler full of wine, whereon our men, by inordinate drinking, both grew themselves for the present senselesse of the danger of the shot of the towne, which hurt many of them being drunke, & tooke the first ground of their sicknesse; for of such was our first and chiefest mortality. There was also abundant store of victuals, salt, and all kinde of provision for shipping and the warre: which was confessed by the sayd Commissary of victuals taken there, to be the beginning of a magasin of all sorts of provision for a new voyage into England: whereby you may conjecture what the spoile thereof hath advantaged us, and prejudiced the king of Spaine.

The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their ships. And having overcharged the artillery of ye gallion, left her on fire, which burnt in terrible sort two dayes together, the fire and overcharging of the pieces being so great, as of fifty that were in her, there were not above sixteene taken out whole; the rest with overcharge of the powder being broken, and molten with heat of the fire, were taken out in broken pieces into divers shippes. The same day was the cloister on the South side of the towne entred by us, which joyned very neere to the wall of the towne, out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our musquetiers.

The next day in the afternoone there came downe some 2000 men, gathered together out of the countrey, even to the gates of the towne, as resolutely (ledde by what spirit I know not) as though they would have entred the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs, they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approch, and with greater speed then ours were able to follow: notwithstanding we followed after them more then a mile. The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the countrey with three or foure hundred men, who brought home very great store of kine and sheepe for our reliefe.

The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose to take a long munition-house builded upon their wall, opening towards us, which would have given us great advantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for us, burnt it in the beginning of the evening; which put him to a new councell: for he had likewise brought some artillery to that side of the towne. During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the towne; which, had it not bene by the care of the Generals heedily seene unto, and the fury thereof prevented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger, as next unto them, had burnt all the provisions we found there, to our woonderfull hinderance.

The fourth day were planted under the gard of the cloister two demy-canons, and two colverings against the towne, defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall, thorow the which our battery lay; the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall downe, so as all the ordinance lay open to the enemy, by reason whereof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine. The Lieutenant also of the ordinance, M. Spencer, was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed unto him, never left that place, till he received direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery, which he presently did, leaving a guard upon the same for that day; and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall, that when the assault should be given to the towne, he should make a proffer of an escalade on the other side, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signall that should have bene given) attempted the same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth. The same day the Generall having planted his ordinance ready to batter, caused the towne to be summoned; in which summons they of the towne shot at our Drum : immediatly after that there was one hanged over the wall, and a parle desired; wherein they gave us to understand, that the man hanged was he that shot at the Drum before: wherein also they intreated to have faire warres, with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Juan de Luna, and some other prisoners, and somewhat of the rendring of the towne, but not much, for they listened not greatly thereunto.

Generall Norris having by his skilfull view of the towne (which is almost all seated upon a rocke) found one place thereof mineable, did presently set workemen in hand withall; who after three dayes labour (and the seventh after we were entred the base towne) had bedded their powder, but indeed not farre enough into the wall. Against which time the breach made by the canon being thought assaultable, and companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that which was expected should be blowen up by the mine: namely, to that of the canon, Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Philpot, who lead the Generals foot-companie, with whom also Captaine Yorke went, whose principall commandement was over the horsemen. And to that of the Myne, Captaine John Sampson, and Captaine Anthonie Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the Master of the Ordinance, with certaine selected out of divers Regiments. All these companies being in armes, and the assault intended to be given in al places at an instant, fire was put to the traine of the mine; but by reason the powder brake out backewards in a place where the cave was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time Captaine Hinder was sent with some chosen out of every company into the countrey for provisions, whereof he brought in good store, and returned without losse.

The next day Captaine Anthony Sampson was sent out with some 500 to fetch in provisions for the army, who was encountred by them of the countrey, but he put them to flight, and returned with good spoile. The same night the Miners were set to worke againe, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall. Against which time the companies aforesayd being in readinesse for both places (Generall Drake on the other side, with two or three hundred men in pinnesses, making proffer to attempt a strong fort upon an Iland before the towne, where he left more then thirty men) fire was given to the traine of the mine, which blew up halfe the tower under which the powder was planted. The assailants having in charge upon the effecting of the mine presently to give the assault, performed it accordingly: but too soone: for having entred the top of the breach, the other halfe of the tower, which with the first force of the powder was onely shaken and made loose, fell upon our men: under which were buried about twenty or thirty, then being under that part of the tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsooke their Commanders, and left them among the ruines of the mine. The two Ensignes of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued: the Generals by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant, and Captaine Wingfields by himselfe. Amongst them that the wall fell upon, was Captaine Sydenham pitifully lost; who having three or foure great stones upon his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himselfe could stirre, nor any reasonable company recover him. Notwithstanding the next day being found to be alive, there was ten or twelve lost in attempting to relieve him.

The breach made by the canon was woonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who brought their men to the push of the pike at the top of the breach. And being ready to enter, the loose earth (which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon slipped outwards from under their feet. Whereby did appeare halfe the wall unbattered. For let no man thinke that culverin or demy-canon can sufficiently batter a defensible rampire: and of those pieces which we had; the better of the demy-canons at the second shot brake in her carriages, so as the battery was of lesse force, being but of three pieces.

In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorow a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captaine Dolphin, who served very well that day, was hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as were of best judgement, was the fall of the mine; which had doubtlesse succeeded, the rather, because the approch was unlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other; which made the Generall grow to a new resolution: for finding that two dayes battery had so little beaten their wall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withall : he knew in his experience, there was no good to be done that way; which I thinke he first put in proofe, to trie if by that terror he could get the upper towne, having no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the towne, had not the defendants bene in as great perill of their lives by the displeasure of their king in giving it up, as by the bullet or sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our army, they burnt a cloister within the towne, and many other houses adjoyning to the castle, to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselves had of holding it against us, had not God (who would not have us suddenly made proud) layed that misfortune upon us.

Hereby it may appeare, that the foure canons, and other pieces of battery promised to the journey, and not performed, might have made her Majesty mistresse of the Groine: for though the mine were infortunate, yet if the other breach had bene such as the earth would have held our men thereon, I doe not thinke but they had entred it thorowly at the first assault given : which had bene more then I have heard of in our age. And being as it was, is no more then the Prince of Parma hath in winning of all his townes endured, who never entred any place at the first assault, nor above three by assault.

The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de Andrada had assembled an armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, sixe miles from thence in the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an armie; in that there was a greater leavie readie to come thither under the Conde de Altemira, either in purpose to relieve the Groine, or to encampe themselves neere the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the marquesse of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing, as the Commissarie taken then confessed, or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey, (for during this time, there were many incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time, who burnt, spoyled, and brought in victuals plentifully) the Generall, I say, hearing of this armie, had in purpose the next day following to visite them, agaynst whom hee caried but nine Regiments: in the vantgard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell Sidney: in the Battaile, that of the Generall, of Colonell Lane, and Colonel Medkerk: and in the Rereward, Sir Henrie Norris, Colonell Huntley, and Colonell Brets Regiments; leaving the other five Regiments with Generall Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and Artillerie. About ten of the clocke the next day, being the sixt of May, halfe a mile from the campe, we discovering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the vantgard in chiefe, appointed his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthonie Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who divided them into three troups; the one he appointed to Captaine Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand: another to Captaine Erington to take the way on the right hand, and the body of them (which were Musquetiers) Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield, so as he giving the first charge upon the enemy, was in the instant seconded by Captaine Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they having very good places of defence, and crosse walles which they might have held long) till they betooke them to their bridge, which is over a creeke comming out of the Sea, builded of stone upon arches. On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the Campe of the enemy very strongly entrenched, who with our shot beaten to the further end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the pikes, without stay passed to the bridge, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, Captaine Hinder, Captaine Fulford, and divers others, who found the way cleare over the same, but through an incredible volley of shot; for that the shot of their army flanked upon both sides of the bridge, the further end whereof was barricaded with barrels: but they who should have guarded the same, seeing the proud approch we made, forsooke the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entered, and charging the first defendant with his pike, with very earnestnesse in overthrusting, fell, and was grievously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honourably rescued by the Generall his brother, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, and some other gentlemen: Captaine Hinder also having his Caske shot off, had five wounds in the head and face at the sword: and Captaine Fulford was shot into the left arme at the same encounter: yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall, who thrust himselfe so neere to give encouragement to the attempt (which was of woonderfull difficulty) as their bravest men that defended that place being overthrowen, their whole army fell presently into rout, of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry wayes, which they betooke themselves unto. There was taken the Standerd with the Kings armes, and borne before the Generall. How many two thousand men (for of so many consisted our vantgard) might kill in pursuit of foure sundry parties, so many you may imagine fell before us that day. And to make the number more great, our men having given over the execution, and returning to their standes, found many hidden in the Vineyards and hedges, which they dispatched. Also Colonell Medkerk was sent with his regiment three miles further to a Cloister, which he burnt and spoiled, wherein he found two hundred more, & put them to the sword. There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captaine Cooper, and one private souldier; Captaine Barton was also hurt upon the bridge in the eye. But had you seene the strong baricades they had made on either side of the bridge, and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would have thought it a rare resolution of ours to give so brave a charge upon an army so strongly lodged. After the furie of the execution, the Generall sent the vantgard one way, and the battell another, to burne and spoile; so as you might have seene the countrey more then three miles compasse on fire. There was found very good store of munition and victuals in the Campe, some plate and rich apparell, which the better sort left behinde, they were so hotly pursued. Our sailers also landed in an Iland next adjoyning to our ships, where they burnt and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned to the Groine, bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at us as we marched out; but not once in our comming backe againe.

The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groine, which had it bene such as might have given us any assurance of a better battery, or had there bene no other purpose of our journey but that, I thinke the Generall would have spent some more time in the siege of the place.

The two last nights, there were that undertooke to fire the higher towne in one place, where the houses were builded upon the wall by the water side; but they within suspecting as much, made so good defence against us, as they prevented the same. In our departure there was fire put into every house of the low towne, insomuch as I may justly say, there was not one house left standing in the base towne, or the cloister.

The next day being the eight of May, we embarked our army without losse of a man, which (had we not beaten the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had bene impossible to have done; for that without doubt they would have attempted something against us in our imbarking: as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd, who confessed, that the first night of our landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira, the Conde de Andrada, and to Terneis de Santisso, to bring all the forces against us that they could possible raise, thinking no way so good to assure that place, as to bring an army thither, wherewithall they might either besiege us in their base towne, if we should get it, or to lie betweene us and our place of imbarking, to fight with us upon the advantage; for they had above 5000 souldiers under their commandements.

After we had put from thence, we had the winde so contrary, as we could not under nine dayes recover the Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex, and with him M. Walter Devereux his brother (a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope) Sir Roger Williams Colonell generall of the footmen, Sir Philip Butler, who hath alwayes bene most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the fleet. The Earle having put himselfe into the journey against the opinion of the world, and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great fortune, though to the great advancement of his reputation, (for as the honourable cariage of himselfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home; so did his exceeding forwardnesse in all services make him to be woondered at amongst us) who, I say, put off in the same winde from Falmouth, that we left Plimmouth in, where he lay, because he would avoid the importunity of messengers that were dayly sent for his returne, and some other causes more secret to himselfe, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had bene as farre as Cadiz in Andaluzia, and lay up and downe about the South Cape, where he tooke some ships laden with corne, and brought them unto the fleet. Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet, he fell with the Ilands of Bayon; and on that side of the river which Cannas standeth upon, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentlemen that were with him went on shore, with some men out of the ship he was in, whom the enemy, that held guard upon that coast, would not abide, but fled up into the countrey.

The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall, under the shot of the castle, and above the waste in water, more then a mile from the towne, wherein many were in perill of drowning, by reason the winde was great, and the sea went high, which overthrew one boat, wherein five and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished. The enemy being five companies of Spaniards under the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes, sallied out of the towne against us, and in our landing made their approch close by the water side. But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, having landed sufficient number to make two troups, left one to holde the way by the water side, and led the other over the Sandhils; which the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the land; not, as we conjectured, to encounter us, but indeed to make their speedy passage away: notwithstanding, they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall under Captaine Jackson, they stood the same even to the push of the pike: in which charge and at the push, Captaine Robert Piew was slaine. The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them, all our companies were drawen to the towne; which being unfortified in any place, we found undefended by any man against us. And therefore the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night; which being abandoned by him that commanded it, a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliver the same; which he honestly performed. There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes, which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall, and twenty barrels of powder: so as possessing both the towne and the castle, we rested there one day : wherein some Friers and other poore men came unto their new king, promising in the name of their country next adjoyning, that within two dayes he should have a good supply of horse and foote for his assistance. That day we remained there, the Generals company of horses were unshipped.

The Generals there fully resolved, that the Armie should march over land to Lisbone under the conduct of Generall Norris; and that Generall Drake should meete him in the river therof with the Fleete; that there should be one Company of foote left in garde of the Castle, and sixe in the ships: also that the sicke & hurt should remaine there with provisions for their cures. The Generall, to trie the event of the matter by expedition, the next day beganne to march in this sort: his owne Regiment, and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Henrie Norris, Colonell Lane, and Colonell Medkerk, in the vantgard: Generall Drake, Colonell Devereux, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell Sidneis in the battell : Sir James Hales, Sir Edward Wingfield, Colonell Umptons, Colonell Huntlies, and Colonell Brets in the arrereward. By that time our army was thus marshalled, Generall Drake, although hee were to passe by Sea, yet to make knowen the honorable desire he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with us, stood upon the ascent of an hill, by the which our battalions must of necessity march, and with a pleasing kindnesse tooke his leave severally of the Commanders of every regiment, wishing us all most happy successe in our journey over the land, with a constant promise that he would, if the injury of the weather did not hinder him, meet us in the river of Lisbon with our fleet. The want of cariages the first day was such, as they were enforced to cary their munition upon mens backs, which was the next day remedied.

In this march Captaine Crispe the Provost Marshall caused one who (contrary to the Proclamation published at our arrivall in Portugall) had broken up an house for pillage, to be hanged, with the cause of his death upon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example providently given in the beginning of our march, caused the commandement to be more respectivly regarded all the journey after, by them whom feare of punishment doeth onely holde within compasse. The campe lodged that night at Lorinha: the next day we had intelligence all the way, that the enemy had made head of horse and foot against us at Torres Vedras, which we thought they would have held: but comming thither the second day of our march, not two houres before our vantgard came in, they left the towne and the castle to the possession of Don Antonio.

There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, upon a commandement given from the Generall, that no man should spoile the countrey, or take any thing from any Portugall: which was more respectively observed, then I thinke would have bene in our owne countrey, amongst our owne friends and kindred: but the countrey (contrary to promise) wholly neglected the provision of victuals for us, whereby we were driven for that time into a great scarsity. Which mooved the Colonell generall to call all the Colonels together, and with them to advise for some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to advertise the king what necessity we were in, before we should of our selves alter the first institution of abstinence. The Colonell generall having acquainted the Generall herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the king; who after some expostulations used, tooke the more carefull order for our men, and after that our army was more plentifully relieved.

The third day we lodged our army in three sundry villages, the one battalion lying in Exarama de los Cavalleros, another in Exarama do Obispo, and the third in San Sebastian.

Captaine Yorke who commanded the Generals horse company, in this march made triall of the valour of the horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals charged with eight horses thorow 40 of them, & himselfe thorow more then 200 with some forty horses: who would abide him no longer then they could make way from him.

The next day we marched to Lores, and had divers intelligences that the enemy would tary us there: for the Cardinall had made publique promise to them of Lisbon , that he would fight with us in that place, which he might have done advantageously; for we had a bridge to passe over in the same place: but before our comming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared unto us that he had in purpose to encampe there; for we found the ground staked out where their trenches should have bene made: and their horsemen with some few shot shewed themselves upon an hill at our comming into that village; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose regiment had the point of the vant gard) thought to draw unto some fight, and therfore marched without sound of drumme, and somewhat faster then ordinary, thereby to get neere them before he were discovered, for he was shadowed from them by an hill that was betweene him and them: but before he could draw his companies any thing neere, they retired.

General Drakes regiment that night, for the commodity of good lodging, drew themselves into a village, more then one English mile from thence, and neere the enemy: who not daring to do any thing against us in foure dayes before, tooke that occasion, and in the next morning fell downe upon that regiment, crying, Viva el Rey Don Antonio, which was a generall salutation thorow all the Countrey as they came: whom our yoong Souldiers (though it were upon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertaine kindly, but having got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but the alarme being taken inwards, the officers of the two next Companies, whose Captaines (Captaine Sydnam and Captaine Young) were lately dead at the Groine, brought downe their colours and pikes upon them in so resolute maner, as they presently drave them to retire with losse: they killed of ours at their first entrance fourteene, and hurt sixe or seven.

The next day we lodged at Alvelana within three miles of Lisbon , where many of our souldiers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poisoned, and thereon presently died. Some do thinke it came rather by eating of hony, which they found in the houses plentifully. But whether it were by water or by hony, the poore men were poisoned.

That night the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleven of the clocke with 1000 men to lie in ambuscade neere the towne, and having layed the same very neere, sent some to give the alarme unto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so as the Earle returned assoone as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to have given an honourable charge on them.

The 25 of May in the evening we came to the suburbs of Lisbon : at the very entrance whereof Sir Roger Williams calling Captaine Anthony Wingfield with him, tooke thirty shot or thereabouts, and first scowred all the streets till they came very neere the towne; where they found none but olde folks and beggers, crying, Viva el Rey Don Antonio, and the houses shut up: for they had caried much of their wealth into the towne, and had fired some houses by the water side, full of come and other provisions of victuals, least we should be benefited thereby, but yet left behinde them great riches in many houses.

The foure regiments that had the vantgard that day, which were Colonell Devereux, Sir Edward Norris, Colonell Sidneys, and Generall Drakes (whom I name as they marched) the Colonell generall caused to holde guard in the neerest streets of the Suburbs: the battell and the arreward stood in armes all the night in the field neere to Alcantara . Before morning Captaine Wingfield, by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his regiment in three places very neere the towne wall, and so held the same till the other regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the towne burnt all their houses that stood upon their wall either within or without, least we possessing them, might thereby greatly have annoyed the towne.

The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio, which joyned to the wall of the towne, and would have bene a very evill neighbor to the towne: but the enemy having more easie entry into it then we gained it before us. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the battell and arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Vista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front their shot upon the wall, who from the same scowred the great streets very dangerously.

By this time our men being thorowly weary with our sixe dayes march, and the last nights watch, were desirous of rest: whereof the enemy being advertised, about one or two of the clocke sallied out of the towne, and made their approch in three severall streets upon us, but chiefly in Colonell Brets quarter: who (as most of the army was) being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drew his men into armes, and made head against them so thorowly, as himselfe was slaine in the place, Captaine Carsey shot thorow the thigh, of which hurt he died within foure dayes after, Captaine Carre slaine presently, and Captaine Cave hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his regiment.

This resistance made aswell here, as in other quarters where Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk commanded, put them to a sudden foule retreat; insomuch, as the Earle of Essex had the chase of them even to the gates of the high towne, wherein they left behinde them many of their best Commanders: their troupe of horsemen also came out, but being charged by Captaine Yorke, withdrew themselves againe. Many of them also left the streets, and betooke them to houses which they found open: for the Sergeant major Captaine Wilson slew in one house with his owne hands three or foure, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their losse I can assure you did triple ours, aswell in quality as in quantity.

During our march to this place, Generall Drake with the whole fleet was come into Cascais , and possessed the towne without any resistance: many of the inhabitants at their discovery of our navy, fledde with their baggage into the mountaines, and left the towne for any man that would possesse it, till Generall Drake sent unto them by a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord, to offer them all peaceable kindnesse, so farre foorth as they would accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the army he had brought; which offer they joyfully imbraced, and presently sent two chiefe men of their towne, to signifie their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their honest affections to our people. Whereupon the Generall landed his companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo, but not without perill of the shot of the castle, which being guarded with 65 Spaniards, held still against him.

As our fleet were casting ancre when they came first into that road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bare with them, and seemed by striking her sailes, as though she would also have ancred : but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe, and would have passed up the river, but the Generall presently discerning her purpose, sent out a pinnesse or two after her, which forced her in such sort, as she ran herselfe upon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of sugar) was made nothing woorth, by the salt water. In his going thither also, he tooke ships of the port of Portugall, which were sent from thence, with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant major of the same place, laden with men and victuals to Lisbon : the rest that escaped put into Setuvel.

The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the Colonels together, and to advise with them, whether it were more expedient to tary there to attend the forces of the Portugall horse and foot, whereof the King had made promise, and to march some convenient number to Cascais to fetch our artillery and munition, which was all at our ships, saving that which for the necessity of the service was brought along with us: whereunto, some caried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio, that most part of the towne stood for us, held it best to make our abode there, and to send some 3000 for our artillery : promising to themselves, that the enemy being wel beaten the day before, would make no more sallies: some others (whose unbeliefe was very strong of any hope from the Portugall) perswaded rather to march wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The Generall not willing to leave any occasion of blotte to be layed upon him for his speedy going from thence, nor to lose any more time by attending the hopes of Don Antonio; tolde them, that though the expedition of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their journey, but an adventure therein (which if it succeeded prosperously, might make them sufficiently rich, and woonderfull honourable) and that they had done so much already in triall thereof, as what end soever happened, could nothing impaire their credits: yet in regard of the Kings last promise, that he should have that night 3000 men armed of his owne Countrey, he would not for that night dislodge. And if they came, thereby to make him so strong, that he might send the like number for his munition, he would resolve to trie his fortune for the towne. But if they came not, he found it not convenient to divide his forces, by sending any to Cascais , and keeping a remainder behinde, sithence he saw them the day before so boldly sally upon his whole army, and knew that they were stronger of Souldiours armed within the towne, then he was without: and that before our returne could be from Cascais , the expected more supplies from all places, of Souldiours: for the Duke of Braganca, and Don Francisco de Toledo were looked for with great reliefe. Whereupon his conclusion was, that if the 3000 promised came not that night, to march wholly away the next morning.

It may be here demanded, why a matter of so great moment should be so slenderly regarded, as that the Generall should march with such an army against such an enemy, before he knew either the fulnesse of his owne strength, or certaine meanes how he should abide the place when he should come to it. Wherein I pray you remember the Decrees made in the Councell at Peniche , and confirmed by publique protestation the first day of our march, that our navy should meet us in the river of Lisbon, in the which was the store of all our provisions, and so the meane of our tariance in that place, which came not, though we continued till we had no munition left to entertaine a very small fight. We are also to consider, that the King of Portugall (whether carried away with imagination by the advertisements he received from the Portugals, or willing by any promise to bring such an army into his Countrey, thereby to put his fortune once more in triall) assured the Generall, that upon his first landing, there would be a revolt of his subjects : whereof there was some hope given at our first entry to Peniche , by the maner of the yeelding of that towne and fort, which made the Generall thinke it most convenient speedily to march to the principall place, thereby to give courage to the rest of the Countrey. The Friers also and the poore people that came unto him promised, that within two dayes the gentlemen and others of the Countrey would come plentifully in: within which two dayes came many more Priests, and some very few gentlemen on horsebacke; but not til we came to Torres Vedras: where they that noted the course of things how they passed, might somewhat discover the weaknesse of that people. There they tooke two dayes more; and at the end thereof referred him till our comming to Lisbon , with assurance, that so soone as our army should be seene there, all the inhabitants would be for the King and fall upon the Spaniards.

After two nights tariance at Lisbon , the King, as you have heard, promised a supply of 3000 foot, and some horse: but all his appointments being expired, even to the last of a night, all his horse could not make a cornet of 40, nor his foot furnish two ensignes fully, although they caried three or foure colours: and these were altogether such as thought to inrich themselves by the ruine of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in every place where we came by spoile, then any of our owne.

The Generall, as you see, having done more then before his comming out of England was required by the King, and given credit to his many promises, even to the breach of the last, he desisted not to perswade him to stay yet nine dayes longer: in which time he might have engaged himselfe further, then with any honour he could come out of againe, by attempting a towne fortified, wherein were more men armed against us, then we had to oppugne them withall, our artillery and munition being fifteene miles from us, and our men then declining; for there was the first shew of any great sickenesse amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his prelacy did much abuse him in perswading him to hopes, whereof after two or three dayes he saw no semblance: or he like a silly lover, who promiseth himselfe favor by importuning a coy mistresse, thought by our long being before his towne, that in the end taking pity on him, they would let him in.

What end the Friers had by following him with such devotion, I know not, but sure I am, the Laity did respite their homage till they might see which way the victory would sway; fearing to shew themselves apparantly unto him; least the Spaniard should after our departure (if we prevailed not) call them to account: yet sent they under hand messages to him of obedience, thereby to save their owne, if he became King; but indeed very well contented to see the Spaniards and us try by blowes, who should carry away the crowne. For they be of so base a mould, as they can very wel subject themselves to any government, where they may live free from blowes, and have liberty to become rich, being loth to endure hazzard either of life or goods. For durst they have put on any minds thorowly to revolt, they had three woonderfull good occasions offered them during our being there.

Themselves did in generall confesse, that there were not above 5000 Spaniards in that part of the Countrey, of which number the halfe were out of the towne till the last day of our march: during which time, how easily they might have prevailed against the rest, any man may conceive. But upon our approch they tooke them all in, and combined themselves in generall to the Cardinall.

The next day after our comming thither, when the sally was made upon us by their most resolute Spaniards, how easily might they have kept them out, or have given us the gate which was held for their retreat, if they had had any thought thereof.

And two dayes after our comming to Cascais , when 6000 Spaniards and Portugals came against us as farre as S. Julians by land, as you shal presently heare (all which time I thinke there were not many Spaniards left in the towne) they had a more fit occasion to shew their devotion to the King, then any could be offered by our tarying there. And they could not doubt, that if they had shut them out, but that we would have fought with them upon that advantage, having sought them in Galitia upon disadvantage to beat them: and having taken so much paines to seeke them at their owne houses, whereof we gave sufficient testimony in the same accident. But I thinke the feare of the Spaniard had taken so deepe impression within them, as they durst not attempt any thing against them upon any hazzard.

For, what civill countrey hath ever suffered themselves to be conquered by so few men as they were; to be deprived of their naturall King, and to be tyrannized over thus long, but they? And what countrey, living in slavery under a stranger whom they naturally hate, having an army in the field to fight for them and their liberty, would lie still with the yoke upon their necks, attending if any strangers would unburthen them, without so much as rousing themselves under it, but they? They will promise much in speeches, for they be great talkers, whom the Generall had no reason to distrust without triall, and therefore marched on into their countrey: but they performed little in action, whereof we could have had no proofe without this thorow triall. Wherein he hath discovered their weaknesse, and honorably performed more then could be in reason expected of him: which had he not done, would not these maligners, who seeke occasions of slander, have reported him to be suspicious of a people, of whose infidelity he had no testimony: and to be fearefull without cause, if he had refused to give credit to their promises without any adventure? Let no frivolously questionist therefore further enquire why he marched so many dayes to Lisbon , and taried there so small a while.

The next morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, he gave order for our marching away; himselfe, the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street, till the whole army was drawen into the field, and so marched out of the towne, appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Anthony Wingfield in the arrereward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would have issued out upon our rising; but they were otherwise advised. When we were come into the field, every battalion fell into that order which by course appertained unto them, and so marched that night unto Cascais . Had we marched thorow his Countrey as enemies, our Souldiers had beene well supplied in all their wants: but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, we had beene the richest army that ever went out of England: for besides the particular wealth of every house, there were many Warehouses by the water side full of all sorts of rich marchandizes.

In our march that day the gallies which had somewhat, but not much, annoyed us at Lisbon , (for that our way lay along the river) attended us till we were past S. Julians, bestowing many shot amongst us, but did no harme at all, saving that they strooke off a gentlemans leg, & killed the Sergeant majors moile under him. The horsemen also followed us afarre off, and cut off as many sicke men as were not able to holde in march, nor we had cariage for.

After we had bene two dayes at Cascais , we had intelligence by a Frier, that the enemy was marching strongly towards us, and then came as farre as S. Julian: which newes was so welcome to the Earle of Essex and the Generals, as they offered every one of them to give the messenger an hundred crownes if they found them in the place; for the Generall desiring nothing more then to fight with them in field roome, dispatched that night a messenger with a trumpet, by whom he writ a cartell to the Generall of their army, wherein he gave them the lie, in that it was by them reported that we dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and feare of them (which indeed was most false) for that it was five of the clocke in the morning before we fell into armes, and then went in such sort, as they had no courage to follow out upon us. Also he challenged him therein, to meet him the next morning with his whole army, if he durst attend his comming, and there to try out the justnesse of their quarrel by battell: by whom also the Earle of Essex (who preferring the honor of the cause, which was his countreys, before his owne safety) sent a particular cartel, offering himselfe against any of theirs, if they had any of his quality; or if they would not admit of that; sixe, eight, or tenne, or as many as they would appoint, should meet so many of theirs in the head of our battell to trie their fortunes with them; and that they should have assurance of their returne and honourable intreaty.

The Generall accordingly made all his army ready by three of the clocke in the morning and marched even to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden feare that we had bene come upon them, as the Generall was the next day certainely informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon , but could not get other answere to either of his letters, but threatening to be hanged, for daring to bring such a message. Howbeit the Generall had caused to be written upon the backside of their pasport, that if they did offer any violence unto the messengers, he would hang the best prisoners he had of theirs: which made them to advise better of the matter, and to returne them home; but without answere.

After our army came to Cascais , and the castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that upon five or sixe shot of the canon he would deliver the same, but not without sight thereof. The Generall thinking that his distresse within had bene such for want of men or victuals as he could not holde it many dayes, because he saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yeeld to that necessity, then to bring the cannon, and therefore onely set a guard upon the same, least any supply of those things which he wanted should be brought unto them. But he still standing upon those conditions, the Generall about two dayes before he determined to goe to Sea, brought three or foure pieces of battery against it: upon the first tire whereof he surrendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage and armies; he had one canon, two culverings, one basiliske, and three or foure other field pieces, threescore and five Souldiours, very good store of munition, and victualles enough in the Castle; insomuch as he might have held the same longer then the Generall had in purpose to tarry there. One company of footmen was put into the guard thereof, till the artillery was taken out, and our army embarked; which without having that fort, we could not without great perill have done. When we were ready to set saile (one halfe of the fort being by order from the Generall blowen up by mine) the company was drawne away.

During the time we lay in the road, our fleet began the second of June, and so continued sixe dayes after to fetch in some hulks to the number of threescore, of Dansik, Stetin, Rostock , Lubeck & Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the kings provision, and going for Lisbon : their principall lading was Corne, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Waxe: amongst which were some of great burthen woonderful well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought that they were brought for the kings provision, to reinforce his decayed navy: whereof there was the greater likelyhood, in that the owner of the greatest of them which caried two misnes, was knowen to be very inward with the Cardinall, who rather then he would be taken with his ships, committed himselfe unto his small boat, wherein he recovered S. Sebastians : into the which our men, that before were in flieboats, were shipped, and the flieboats sent home with an offer of corne, to the value of their hire. But the winde being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to lose their corne then the winde, and so departed. The Generall also sent his horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England.

The third of June, Colonell Devereux and Colonell Sidney, being both very sicke, departed for England, who in the whole journey had shewed themselves very forward to all services, and in their departure very unwilling to leave us: that day we imbarked all our army, but lay in the road untill the eight thereof.

The sixt day the Earle of Essex, upon receit of letters from her Majesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was very desirous to go, but found the Generals very unwilling he should do so, in that he bare the next place unto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the army. And the same day there came unto us two small barks that brought tidings of some other shippes come out of England with victuals, which were passed upwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set saile for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to go with the Iles of Alcores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them comming backe againe towards us, whose provision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolved to continue our course for the Ilands.

About this time was the Marchant-Royall, with three or foure other ships, sent to Peniche , to fetch away the companies that were left there; but Captaine Barton having received letters from the Generals that were sent overland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gave him; for he was no sooner gone, then the enemy possessed the town and castle, and shot at our ships as they came into the road.

At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco, called Reys Hamet Bencasamp, returned, and with him M. Ciprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, was sent from Don Antonio, and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor.

The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not five dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the river of Lisbon (which being joyned with the other twelve that were there before, though we lay hard by them at S. Julians, durst never make any attempt against us) upon our departure from thence were returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calme, in the dawning thereof, fell in the winde of our fleet, in the uttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth, of the which Captaine Caverley being Captaine of the land company, with his Lieutenant, the Master, and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship, and betooke them to the ship-boats, whereof one, in which the Master and the Captaine were, was overrunne with the gallies, and they drowned. There were also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to us, nor we to them, though all the great shippes towed with their boats to have relieved them, but could not be recovered; in one of which was Captaine Minshaw with his company, who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne, but might easily judge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse: who setting also upon one other hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sicke, were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to boord her. And seeing also one other hulke a league off, a sterne off us, they made towards her: but finding that she made ready to fight with them, they durst not further attempt her: whereby it seemed, their losse being great in the other fights, they were loth to proceed any further.

From that day till the 19 of June, our direction from the Generall was, that if the wind were Northerly, we should plie for the Acores ; but if Southerly, for the Iles of Bayon. We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke, till the Southerly winde prevailing carried us to Bayon : part of our ships to the number of 25, in a great winde which was two dayes before, having lost the Admirals and fleet, according to their direction, fell in the morning of that day with Bayon , among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde; who had in purpose (if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500 men out of them all to have landed, and attempted the taking of Vigo . The rest of th