previous next

Navigations and traffiques both ancient and of late, to divers places upon the coast of Brasil : together with a Ruttier for all that coast, and two intercepted letters which reveale many secrets of the state of that countery: the rest of our voyages to Brasil which have bene either intended or performed to the River of Plate, the Streight of Magellan, the South Sea, or farther that way, being reserved for the generall heades next insuing.

A brief relation of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth, father to Sir John Haukins knight, late Treasurer of her Majesties Navie, in the yeere 1530 and 1532.

OLDE M. William Haukins of Plimmouth, a man for his wisedome, valure, experience, and skill in sea causes much esteemed, and beloved of K. Henry the 8, and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time, not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe , armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes, called the Paule of Plimmouth, wherwith he made three long and famous voyages unto the coast of Brasil , a thing in those dayes very rare, especially to our Nation. In the course of which voyages he touched at the river of Sestos upon the coast of Guinea, where hee traffiqued with the Negros, and tooke of them Elephants teeth, and other commodities which that place yeeldeth: and so arriving on the coast of Brasil , he used there such discretion, and behaved himself so wisely with those savage people, that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them. Insomuch that in his second voyage, one of the savage kings of the countrey of Brasil , was contented to take ship with him, and to be transported hither into England : whereunto M. Haukins agreed, leaving behinde in the Countery as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe, one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth. This Brasilian king being arrived, was brought up to London and presented to K. Henry the 8, lying as then at White-hall: at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle marvaile, and not without cause: for in his cheekes were holes made according to their savage maner, and therein small bones were planted, standing an inch out from the said holes, which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great braverie. He had also another hole in his nether lip, wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease: All his apparel, behaviour, and gesture, were very strange to the beholders.

Having remained here the space almost of a whole yeere, and the king with his sight fully satisfied, M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment, purposed to convey him againe into his countrey: but it fell out in the way, that by change of aire and alteration of diet, the said Savage king died at sea, which was feared would turn to the losse of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge. Neverthelesse, the Savages being fully perswaded of the honest dealing of our men with their prince, restored againe the said pledge, without any harme to him, or any man of the company: which pledge of theirs they brought home againe into England , with their ship fraighted, and furnished with the commodities of the countrey. Which Martin Cockeram, by the witnesse of Sir John Hawkins, being an officer in the towne of Plimmouth, was living within these fewe yeeres.

An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to Brasil in the yeere of our Lord 1540.

I HAVE bene certainly informed by M. Anthony Garrard an ancient and worshipfull marchant of the citie of London , that this commodious and gainefull voyage to Brasil was ordinarily and usually frequented by M. Robert Reniger, M. Thomas Borey, and divers other substantial and wealthie marchants of Southampton , about 60. yeeres past, that is to say in the yeere 1540.

A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542.

ALSO the worshipfull M. Edward Cotton of Southampton Esquire gave mee more particularly to understand, how that one Pudsey of Southampton, a man of good skill and resolution in marine causes, made a voyage in like maner 62. yeeres agoe to Baya de todos los Santos the principall towne of all Brasil , and the seate of the Portugal vice-roy and of the bishop, and that he built a fort not farre distant from that place, in the foresaid yeere 1542.

A letter written to M. Richard Staper by John Whithal from Santos in Brasil , the 26. of June 1578.

WORSHIPFULL sir, and welbeloved friend M. Staper, I have me most heartily commended unto you, wishing your health even as mine owne.

These few words may bee to let you understand, that whereas I wrote unto you not many dayes past by the way of Lisbon , howe that I determined to bee with you very shortly, it is in this countrey offered mee to marry, and to take my choice of three or foure : so that I am about three dayes agoe consorted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter within these foure dayes. This my friend and father in law Signor Ioffo Dore is borne in the citie of Genua in Italy : his kindred is well knowen amongst the Italians in London : also hee hath but onely this childe which is his daughter, which hee hath thought better bestowed upon mee then on any Portugal in all the countrey, and doeth give with her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath, that doeth make every yeere a thousand roves of sugar. This my mariage will be worth to me two thousand duckets, little more or lesse. Also Signor Ioffo Dore my father in law doeth intende to put into my handes the whole Ingenio with sixtie or seventie slaves, and thereof to make me factor for us both. I give my living Lord thankes for placing me in such honour and plentifulnesse of all things.

Also certaine dayes past I talked with the Provedor and the Captaine, and they have certified me, that they have discovered certaine Mines of silver and gold, and looke every day for Masters to come to open the said Mines: which when they be opened will inrich this countrey very much. This place is called S. Vincent, and is distant from you two thousand leagues, and in 24. degrees of latitude on the South side of the Equinoctial line, & almost under the Tropike of Capricorne. A countrey it is very healthfull without sicknesse.

Moreover, I have talked with the Captaine and Provedor, and my father in law, who rule all this countrey, for to have a ship with goods to come from London hither, which have promised mee to give mee licence, saying that nowe I am free denizen of this countrey. To cause a ship to come hither with such commodities as would serve this countrey, would come to great gaines, God sending in safety the profite and gaines. In such wares and commodities as you may ship hither from London is for every one commoditie delivered here three for one, and then after the proceed may be imployed in white sugar at foure hundred reis the rove.

I meane also to have a friend in London to sende mee a ship of 60. or 70. tunnes, little more or lesse, with such commodities as I shall give advise for. This voyage is as good as any Peru-voyage. If you and Master Osborne will deale here, I will deale with you before any other, because of our old friendly friendship in time past. If you have any stomacke thereto, in the Name of God do you espie out a fine barke of seventie or eightie tunnes, and send her hither with a Portugal Pilot to this port of S. Vincent in Brasil , bordering upon the borders of Peru .

Also I herewith write unto you in what forme and maner you shall furnish this voyage both in commodities and otherwise.

First you must lade in the said ship certaine Hampshire and Devonshire karsies: for the which you must let her depart from London in October, and to touch in the Canaries, and there to make sale of the saide karsies, and with the proceed thereof to lade fifteene tunnes of wines that be perfect and good, and sixe dozen of Cordovan skinnes of these colours, to wit, orenge, tawnie, yellow, red, and very fine black. I thinke you shall not finde such colours there. Therefore you must cause them that shall go upon this voyage, to take saffron with them, to cause the same skinnes to bee put into the saide colours. Also I thinke you shall finde oyles there. Three hogsheads of sweete oyle for this voyage are very necessary, or a hundred & fiftie jarres of oyle. Also in London you may lade in the said ship these parcels of commodities or wares, as followeth:

  • In primis, Foure peeces of hollands of middle sort.
  • Item, One peece of fine holland.
  • Foure hundred elles of osenbriges very fine.
  • Foure dozen of sizzors of all sorts.
  • Sixteene kintals of pitch of the Canaries.
  • Twentie dozen of great knives which be made in fardles, of a low price.
  • Foure dozen of a small sort.
  • Sixe peeces of bayes of the lowest sort.
  • One very fine peece of bayes.
  • Foure hundred elles of Manchester-cottons, most blacke, greene, some yellow.
  • Eight or tenne dozen of hats, the one halfe trimmed with taffata, the other plaine, with the bands of Cypresse.
  • Sixe dozen of course shirts.
  • Three dozen of doublets of canvas.
  • Three dozen of doublets of stitched canvas.
  • One peece of fine Millan-fustian barred.
  • Sixe dozen of locks for doores and chests.
  • Sixe thousand of all maner of fish hooks.
  • Foure dozen reames of paper.
  • Two dozen of glasses of divers sorts.
  • Two dozen of Venice glasses, the one halfe great, the other middle sort.
  • Two dozen of mantles of frize, of the lowest price that can be.
  • Three dozen of frize gownes.
  • Foure hundred pound of tinne of the use of Portugall, most smal dishes and trenchers.
  • Foure pound of silke of all colours.
  • Twentie pound of spices, cloves, cinamom, pepper, and saffron.
  • Two kintals of white sope.
  • Three pound of threed, white, blacke, and blew.
  • Three pound of fine white threed.
  • Item, halfe a dozen of Northerne karsies of divers colours.
  • Foure sorting clothes, blew, red, yellow, and green.
  • Sixe Northerne dozens of divers colours.
  • One fine blew cloth of eight pound.
  • One fine stamell of tenne or twelve pound.
  • One fine sheeps coloured cloth of twelve pound.
  • One fine blacke karsie. } { One fine stamell karsie.
  • Sixe yards of blacke velvet.
  • Three barrels of nailes for chests.
  • Two barrels of nailes for ships and barks.
  • Sixe kintals of Occom.
  • Two dozen of velvet girdles without hangers.
  • Foure yards of taffata red, blacke, and blew, with some greene.
  • Two dozen of leather girdles.
  • Sixe dozen of axes, hatchets, and small billes to cut wood.
  • Foure mases of gitterne strings.
  • Foure hundred or five hundred elles of some linnen cloth that is of a low price to make shirts and sheets.
  • Foure tunne of yron.

These be such sort of wares as I would you should send. If you meane to deale, or send any ship hither, have you no doubt, but by the helpe of God I shall put all things in good order according to your contentment and profit: for my father in lawe with the Captaine and Provedor doe rule this countrey.

My father in law & I shal (God willing) make a good quantitie of sugar every yeere, which sugar we intend to ship for London from henceforth, if we can get such a trustie & good friend as you to deale with us in this matter. I pray you presently after the receit of this my letter to write mee answere thereof, & send your letter to M. Holder to Lisbone, & he wil convey it to me out of hand.

  • Besides the premisses send sixe yards of skarlet, parchment lace of divers colours.
  • Sixe yards of crimosin velvet.
  • Sixe yards of crimosin satten.
  • Twelve yards of fine puke blacke.

Here in this countrey in stead of John Whithall they have called me John Leitoan: so that they have used this name so long time, that at this present there is no remedie but it must remaine so. When you write unto me, let the superscription be unto John Leitoan.

Thus I commit you with all yours to the holy Ghost for ever.

If you send this ship, I would have you give order that she touch in no part of the coast of Guinie nor any other coast, but to come directly hither to the port of S. Vincent, and from the Canaries let her be dispatched in my name, to wit, John Leitoan.

  • Also a dozen of shirts for my wearing let be sent, if you send the ship.
  • Item, sixe or eight pieces of sayes for mantles for women, which is the most necessary thing that can be sent.

By your assured friend
John Whithall.

A copie of the letters of the Adventurers for Brasill sent to John Whithall dwelling in Santos , by the Minion of London. Anno 1580. the 24. of October in London .

MASTER Whithall, as unacquainted wee commend us unto you, &c. understanding by your friends, M. John Bird, M. Robert Walkaden, and your brother James Whithall of certaine letters that they have received of yours from Santos , which wee have seene and read, wherein from time to time you doe require, and desire them to send a good ship to Santos , with such wares and commodities as you did write for, whereby you did not onely promise that they should have good intertainment, but also should sell the saide commodities to make three of one outward at the least in every thing, and that for to relade their ship backe, they should have of the best, finest, & whitest drie sugars 32. pound of our weight for a ducket at the most. The premises considered, with the great credit that they and we doe give to your writing & promise, have caused us, whose names be hereunder written, to joyne our selves in company together, & to be at great charges purposely to send this good ship the Minion of London, not onely with such marchandizes as you wrote for, but also with as many other things as we thought might any wayes pleasure you, or profit the country. And we crave of you, that we and our factors may have so much credite of you, as we have in you and of your letters, which is to beleeve us that we have taken this voyage upon us, with no other minde or purpose, then to deale faithfully and truely in the trade by sea and land, so as you shall not onely have cause to rejoyce, and deserve thanks for our comming, but also you wil procure the magistrates there to be bound, as they use in Galicia , that we may be preserved and defended from all reprisals and imbargments of princes or subjects for any causes or matters whatsoever, whereby wee may bee incouraged by them, giving us this securitie of good intertainment, to continue the trade yeerely henceforth: and for our parts we promise upon our credits and fidelities to commit no outrage at the sea nor land, nor suffer any to be done in our company that we may let, but rather to defend and protect all other such peaceable marchants as we are, with their ships and goods.

And to the ende that you and others shall know that wee meane as we say, we have given order to our factours to give you good hostages for your assurance of our good fidelities: and further we have sent a testimoniall of our owne true meaning in writing under the seales of this honourable Citie of London, which we wil not discredite by our behaviours for all the treasure that you have: and so we have written to your magistrates of your port, and others in Spanish, the copy whereof we send you herewith enclosed in English. And if the time should fal out so contrary to our expectations, that there should not be fine white sugar sufficient to lade our said ship in due time at Santos , then we pray you direct our factours where they may goe with the shippe in safetie to supply their want, and helpe them to a good sure Pilot for that purpose, and write your letters to your friends where the best sugar is made in their favours, and helpe our factours to have a testimoniall from Santos , that they and you traded together friendly, and so departed in good and perfect amitie, and shew them that the just cause of our comming is to trade as marchants peaceably, and not as Pirats to commit any offence to one or other.

Also we pray you, if there be any store of waxe, or salt-peeter, whereby the price there may yeeld us as much profit as the white sugars at a ducket the rove, or any other commodity of like profite, then to procure that we may lade it without danger of lawe, be it oare of golde or silver or whatsoever else.

Wee have sent you copper cauldrons for your Ingenios, with iron and all other necessaries for your purpose, and artificers to set the same: and as wee have at your request bene at great charges in sending these men, so we pray you let us have lawful favour in like courtesie to further all our causes. And if any of our Mariners or passengers in any respect of displeasure against their company, or in hope of preferment of mariage or otherwise would procure to tary and dwell there, and leave his charge and office, that then you will be a meane to the Justice that such fugitives should bee sent abord the ship as prisoners: for as you know, without our men wee cannot bring home our ship.

Wee have given order to our factours to use your counsell and helpe in their affaires, and to gratifie you for the same as to your courtesie and faithfull friendship shall appertaine to your good liking: and in the meane time for a token of our good willes toward you, we have sent you a fieldbed of walnut tree, with the canopy, valens, curtaines, and gilt knops. And if there be any commoditie else that may pleasure you or your friends, wee have given order that they shall have the refusing of it before any other, giving for it as it is worth.

And thus to conclude, promising to performe all the foresaide things on our parts in every condition, we commit you to God, who ever preserve you with all his blessings.

Your loving friends
Christopher Hodsdon.
Anthonie Garrard.
Thomas Bramlie.
John Bird.
William Elkin.

Certaine notes of the voyage to Brasill with the Minion of London aforesaid, in the yere 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of the said ship.

THE thirde day of November in the yeere abovesaid we departed in the Minion of London from Harwich , from which time no great thing worth the knowledge or regard of others happened until the 22. of December the next moneth, which day for our owne learning & use wee observed the setting of the Sunne, which was West southwest, we then being under the line Equinoctiall, where we found the air very temperate, and the winde for the most part Southeast and East southeast. The same day we also observed the rising of the moone, being one day after the full, which rose at East northeast.

The first land that wee fell with upon the coast of Brasill was the yland of S. Sebastian, where we arrived the 14. day of January in the yeere 1581.

The 16. day Thomas Babington, and others in our pinnesse, went a shoare to Guaybea, where they met with John Whithall his father and mother in lawe, who having received letters from thence to be delivered at Santos , came abord, and then we weyed and set saile, and the 28. day wee arrived at the yland of Santa Catelina, neere the entrance of Santos .

Our course from S. Sebastian was Southwest and by West, and betwixt the Southwest and by West, and West southwest.

This yland of Santa Catelina seemeth at the first to be a part of the yland of Girybia. Wee ankered at nine fathome blacke osie ground.

Upon the yland there grow many Palmito-trees, but no fresh water is there to be found.

The third day of February we arrived before the towne of Santos , and were there well received and intertained of the Captaine, the kings officers, and all the people.

The fourth day we tooke into our ship a beefe alive, which served for the victualling of the ship, and the refreshing of our men, and to make us the merrier at Shrovetide.

The eight day we delivered to M. John Whithall a bedstead with the appurtenances, which were sent to him from our marchants of London .

The 18. day the captaine of Santos came abord our ship, by whom we had knowledge of foure great French ships of warre, that had bene at the river of Jenero, which there tooke three Canoas, but were driven from thence by their castles & forts, and were looked for here at Santos . Whereupon the Captaine requested us to lend them some armour and artillery, and we lent them twentie calivers, and two barrels of powder.

The 19. day our skiffe which we had sent to Alcatrarzas, and had bene away sixe dayes, came againe, and brought good store of great and good fish, and tolde us that there was good store of fish to be taken there by the hooke, and as much wood as we could have of the Palmito-tree.

The 20. day at night Nicholas Gale, one of our company, fell over our shippes side, and was drowned in the port of Santos before the towne, where our ship rode at anker.

The 22. day two of the Canoas which the Frenchmen tooke in the river of Jenero, returned to Santos , and reported that the foure French ships were past to the southwards, as they thought, for the Straights of Magellan, and so into the South sea.

The 23. day the aforesaide Nicholas Gale, who fell overbord two dayes before, was found againe, and taken up three miles from our ship, and our company went to his buriall in the Church at Santos .

This day the Captaine and Justices of Santos wished us to tary in their road till the last of April, for they had sent a barke of Santos to Baya at the kings charges, to know whether we should have trade there or no, and this barke could not returne before that time.

About this time there arrived at Fernambuck a shippe from Portugall, which brought newes that the Islands, Indies, and Portugall it selfe was molested and troubled by the Spaniards, and that the Portugales had both English and Frenchmen to Lisbone to defend them against Spaine.

The 25. day wee sent two of our men, namely Thomas Michael and Simon Thorne to Baya in a barke that went thither from Santos .

The two and twentie day of Aprill our Master and Thomas Babington having some talke and conference with the Padres of Santos, they (our men being ready to go to the River of Jenero) tolde them, that they were sorry for our banishment from the Church, and that the Ministrador had written from Rio de Jenero, that forasmuch as these twentie yeres or more the English nation had denied the Church of Rome and her proceedings, therefore the Ministrador commanded that none of us should come to their Church: the Padres willed us herein to have patience, and to take it in good part, and pro mised to stand our friends in their word and writing, both to the Ministrador and to the Bishop at Baya, and further requested all our English company to have no ill opinion of them.

The 28. of April we laded sugars into our ships.

The 21. of May we tooke in fresh victuals from Santos .

The 10. day of June wee gratified one Iosto Thorno, dwelling in Santos , with some of our English victuals, and intertained him in good sort in our ship, and this day wee were promised to have a Pilot at Santos to cary us to Baya.

The 11. day we went to fish, to make provision for our ship and men, and from that time till the eighteenth day wee fet water, and cut wood for our fire, and trimmed our ship of the harmes and leakes which the wormes had made in her while wee ridde at the yland of S. Sebastian, and in the meane time we departed from before the towne of Santos . Our Master sent his skiffe from the barre of Santos , thinking to have brought Thomas Babington and William Euet with the Pilot, which wee had tarried for three dayes : and as the skiffe was going, William Euet being by the Rivers side, called to our pinnesse, and sent a letter to our Master, which Thomas Babington had written, wherein were no newes, but that the Ministrador was arrived at Santos from the River of Jenero, and would speake with our Master, but he willed that whatsoever Thomas Babington did write, no credit should be given to it. And further he wished us presently to depart for Sant Sebastian, and there to dispatch our businesse, and then to sende backe for Babington and himselfe to Guaybea, where he (if he were well) would give his attendance to come abord.

As we rid two leagues a sea-bord the barre of Santos wee broke a cable in the open sea, which happened the 15. day of this moneth.

We arrived at S. Sebastian the 15. day, and there shifted our balast, and had in stones, and hailed our ship a ground to stop our leakes, & caried our caske a shoare to be hooped for water, which indeed might better have bene done in Santos , before the Ministrador came thither: yet we finished all things pertaining to our ship, by the 22. of this moneth, at S. Sebastian.

The first day of July Thomas Babington came abord with William Euet, in our pinnesse, and the rest of our men that went for them: but there was no Pilot brought according to promise to cary us to Baya.

The things that we observed and noted in the time of our being at Santos , were these.

All such wares and marchandizes as owe no custome in Brasill, their use is, to set a price upon the same, how they shalbe sold: which is done by the magistrates of the towne, according to the ordinances of their king.

But for all such marchandizes as doe owe custome there, the marchants are to sell them according as they may, to the greatest profit and advantage that they can.

Concerning the province of Peru , wee learned that one part of it by land & water is but twelve dayes journey from the towne of Santos , and from thence it may be about foure or five dayes journey by water to the maine river of Plate.

From the head of the river of Plate, and from their chiefe townes there, they doe trade and trafique by land into Peru by waggons, and horses or mules.

The saide river of Plate is so full of sands and dangers, and the fresh so fierce sometimes, that no shipping dares to deale with it, small barks to their knowledge may go up it, and not els.

The Portugales here cannot bee suffered to use their Mines of treasure in these parts, upon paine of death, the contrary being commanded by the king and the Vice-roy, who is as their king in place of authoritie.

About twentie leagues from Santos there is a certaine kinde of wilde Savages, lying in the mountaines, which are in friendship with the Portugales, and they have continuall warres with certaine other Savages that dwell towards the borders of Peru , which is distant from Santos about 400. or 500. leagues. Those Savages of Peru have store of gold and silver, but they knowe not the use of it.

Looke what Savages of their enemies they take, they sell them to the Portugales for knives, combes, axes or hatchets, and other trifles: they will sell one for a pennieknife to a Portugal , and after two yeeres they are worth twentie or thirtie duckets to the Portugal .

This people have also continuall warres with the Spaniards : and this was tolde us by one of those Savages, which hath dwelt among the Portugales these seven yeeres, with his master called Sennor Manoel Veloso. And this fellowe would willingly have come with us for England .

There are certaine rockes that lie off betweene the yle of Alcatrarzas and S. Sebastian, about two leagues, which are to be taken heed of, which a farre off in faire weather shewe like the sailes of ships.

There are other rocks that lie off S. Catelina also five leagues to the East and by South into the sea off the yland.

At our comming up to Santos we found foure fadom and a halfe water in the shallowest place, and the like we found within a league after we were departed from S. Catelina, litle more or lesse, but after you have runne in the depth of foure fadome and a halfe, about a mile or lesse, then you shall have it deeper againe more and more.

Before the towne of Santos we rode in eight and tenne fadome water.

The well governed and prosperous voyage of M. James Lancaster, begun with three ships and a galley-frigat from London in October 1594, and intended for Fernambuck, the port-towne of Olinda in Brasil . In which voyage (besides the taking of nine and twenty ships and frigats) he surprized the sayd port-towne, being strongly fortified and manned: and held possession thereof thirty dayes together (notwithstanding many bolde assaults of the enemy both by land and water) and also providently defeated their dangerous and almost inevitable fireworks. Heere he found the cargazon or freight of a rich East Indian carack; which together with great abundance of sugars, Brasil-wood, and cotton he brought from thence; lading therewith fifteene sailes of tall ships and barks.

IN September 1594 the worshipfull M. John Wats, alderman, M. Paul Banning, alderman, & others of worship in the city of London , victualled three good ships; to wit, The Consent, of the burthen of 240 tunnes or thereabout, The Salomon, of 170 tunnes, and The Virgin, of 60 tunnes: and appointed for commanders in this voyage, M. James Lancaster of London , gentleman, admirall of the fleet, M. Edmund Barker of London , viceadmirall, and M. John Audely of Poplar neere London , rereadmirall,, having in their sayd ships to the number of 275 men and boyes.

Being fully furnished with all needfull provision, wee departed from Blackwall in October following, keeping our owne coast, untill we came into the West countrey, where we met with such gusts and stormes, that the Salomon spending her mast at the Range of Dartmouth, put into harbour; but by the earnest care and industry of the generall and others having charge, she was shortly againe provided. Which done, having a pleasant gale for our purpose, we put foorth from Dartmouth the last of November following. But contrary to our expectation, not fifty leagues from our owne coast, we lost the Salomon and the Virgin, by a storme of contrary winde that fell upon us: yet being alone, in hope to meet them about the Canaries or Cape Blank, we kept on our course to the Canaries, but could heare no tidings of our consorts; which greatly grieved us.

Thence we went, bearing for the isle of Tenerif, where in the morning early we had sight of a saile, which being becalmed under the shore, was towing with their boat a head, having one other at her sterne. For this saile we manned our boat, appointing our men wel for fight, if need should require. The Spaniards seeing our boat come, entred theirs, and leaving the ship, sought to save themselves by flight: but our men pursued them so fast, that they boorded them, and brought them with their shippe to our Generall. This ship was laden with 80 tunnes of Canary-wine, which came not unto us before it was welcome. We kept and manned it, plying that day, and the next night thereabout. The very next morning we had sight of one other; to whome in like maner wee sent our boat: but their gunner made a shot at her, and strooke off a propper yoong mans arme; yet we inforced her to yeeld, and found 40 tunnes of wine in her. The Spaniards having their free passage, and an acquitance for the delivery of their wines, were all set on shore upon Tenerif, making a quicke returne of their long voyage intended into the West Indies.

Hence we departed toward Cape Blank; and before wee came thither, we met againe with the Virgin our rereadmirall, whose men tolde us for very trueth, that the Salomon was returned for England : inforced so to doe, by spending her mast the second time. Which when our men understood, they were all in a maze, not knowing what to doe, and saying among themselves that their force was but small when all our strength were together, and now we had lost the one halfe of our strength, we were not able to performe the voyage: and therefore some of them came to the captain, asking him what he would now do, seeing the Salomon was lost, the one halfe of our strength, giving him counsell to beare up for the West Indies, and prove there to make his voyage, because his first plat for want of strength was cleane overthrown. The captaine hearing this new novelty, as not unacquainted with the variable pretenses of mariners, made them this answere: Sirs, I made knowen to you all at my comming out of England what I pretended, and that I meant to go for Fernambuck, and although at the present we want one of our ships, yet (God willing) I meane to go forward, not doubting but to meet her at the appointed places, which are either at Cape Blank or the islands of Cape Verde: for I am assured that M. Barker the captaine is so resolute to performe this voyage, that his mast being repaired, he will not faile to meet us, & it were no wisdome for us to divert our course, till we have sought him at those places where our appointed meeting is: for the diverting of courses is the overthrow of most of our actions. And I hope you will be all contented herewith: for to go any other course then I have determined, (by Gods helpe) I will not be drawen unto. With these reasons and many others shewed, they rested all satisfied: and at our comming to Cape Blank (God be praised) we met with the Salomon with no small joy to us all; and there she had taken of Spaniards and Portugals 24 saile of ships and caravels, fisher-men, and had taken out of them such necessaries as she had need of. Of these ships our captaine tooke foure along with him, with another that he had taken himselfe, meaning to imploy them as occasion should serve. At this place he understood of one of the pilots of those ships, that one of the caracks that came out of the East Indies, was cast away in the rode of Fernambuc, and that all her goods were layd upon the Arrazife which is the lower towne. Of these newes we were all glad, and rejoyced much; for our hopes were very good, seeing such a booty before us.

Of this good company and happy successe we were all joyful, and had great hope of the blessing of God in performance of our intended voyage, and so after some parle & making frolike for joy of our meeting one with the other (praising God for all) we plied for Maio : where comming to anker, our generall & the rest of the captaines went ashore to view the place where we might in best safety set our gally-frigat together; which frame wee brought from England of purpose to land men in the country of Brasil . Here we discharged our great prize of wine, and set her on fire: but before our comming thither, you shall understand we had sight of foure sailes, which was captaine Venner in his ship the Peregrine, and a proper Biskaine which he tooke at Cape Blank, the Welcome of Plymmouth & her pinnesse: all which stood with us. But they seeing our flags, not expecting such good fellowes as we, did beare from us all they might; which our people tooke very unkindly, that being all friends they would neither enquire, nor tell us any newes of our friends, but without making any shew of kindnes would so depart. As before I have said, the choice being made for the place to build the gally-frigat, ashore it was brought, where the carpenters applied their worke, still cheered unto it by the generals good gifts bestowed among them, and kind usage of the rest of the commanders, not without great care of the captaine for the safety of them all, by keeping good watch: yet one negligent fellow, which had no knowledge of the countrey, straying from his company, was by the Portugals taken, & very kindly used, and brought againe unto us: for which good the generall rewarded them well with gifts very acceptable, which they tooke as kindly. While wee were thus busily imployed about the foresayd galley, we descried at sea foure sailes, which we had good hope would have proved Indies men, or some to have brought us what wee looked for: but they proved captaine Venner with his fleet, as aforesayd, who, seeing us at anker, ankered also; where spending some time, and being. acquainted with our generals determination for landing, consorted with us, & their bils, according to the maner of the sea, were made and signed on either part, we to have three parts, & he the fourth, of all that should be taken, wherby our strength was increased, to all our comforts. Three weeks or thereabouts we stayd in this place before the gally was finished; which done, putting men into her, and fitting her with oares, having foureteene banks on a side, a mast and saile, the commandement of her was committed unto M. Wats, an honest skilfull mariner.

From thence we put againe to sea, and went for the ile Brava , where we watered: which done, we made no long stay after, but bent our course as directly as we could for the place, making our first fall with the land to the Southward of Cape S. Augustine; from whence wee plied still to our desired port of Fernambuck, and did so much, that about midnight we came before the harbour; where some plied up and downe, holding that the best policy, to forbeare the entring till day might give them light, the harborow being hard, and therefore the more perillous. Our ships being in safety well arrived, God was praised: and the generall in his boat went from ship to ship, willing them to make ready such men as they could spare, with muskets, pikes, billes, bowes, arrowes, and what weapons they had to follow him. Himselfe, with 80 men from his owne ship, imbarked himselfe in the gally, which caried in her prow a good sacar, and two murdering pieces.

Our admirall spent all the night in giving directions to every ship to have their men ready shipped in their boats, for he intended to enter the harborow at the breake of day, & to leave his ships without, till he had gotten the fort and the towne: for he would not adventure the ships in, till the harborow was gotten. Also he provided five ships, which he brought from Cape Blank, and put men in them as many as could conveniently saile them, and no more, giving them charge to enter the harborow with his boats: for at the entrance of the harborow rode three great Holland ships, which our admirall doubted would impeach his going in; and therefore he gave order to the men of these five small ships, which were not above 60 tunnes a piece, if the Hollanders did offer any resistance, to run aboord of them, & to set their owne ships on fire, and scape in their boats, which they had for the same purpose, that by this meanes they might not impeach our entrance. But when the morning was come, we were fallen above halfe a mile downe to the Northward, below the harborow, which was a great inconvenience unto us: so that before wee could get up againe, the ebbe was come upon us, and thereby we were forced to hover before the harborow till two of the clocke in the afternoone, in the sight of all the towne. In this meane time, our ships rode before the fort without the harborow, about a demycolvering shot off: in the which time passed many shot betweene the fort and the ships, and especially betweene the admirals ship and them: but no great harme was done on either part. All this while our admirall kept the men ready hovering in the gally & the boats. The Hollanders that rode in the mouth of the harborow, seeing our resolution, layd out haulsers, and wound themselves out of the way of us. Our admiral was very joyfull, & gave great incouragement to all his men: for, to passe these three great Hollanders, he held it the greatest danger of all. About 12 of the clocke the governer of the towne sent a Portugall aboord the admirals ship, to know what he would have, and wherefore he came. He returned him this answere: That he wanted the caracks goods, and for them he came, and them he would have, and that he should shortly see. In this processe of time, the townes-men and inhabitants which saw so much shipping, & perceived us to be enemies, gathered themselves together, three or foure ensignes of men, esteemed to the number of some sixe hundred at the least. These came to the fort or platforme lying over against the entry of the harborow, and there attended our landing: but before our admirall set forward with his boats, he gave expresse order to all that had charge of governing the boats or galley, to run them with such violence against the shore, that they should be all cast away without recovery, and not one man to stay in them, whereby our men might have no maner of retreat to trust unto, but onely to God and their weapons.

Now was the time come of the flood, being about two of the clocke in the afternoone, when our admirall set forward, and entered the harborow with the small galley, and all the rest of the boats following him, the Hollanders that rode in the mouth of the harborow, nothing impeached him: but now the fort began to play with their ordinance upon the galley and the boats; and one of their shot tooke away a great piece of our ensigne out of the galley. But our saile being set, it was no time for us to make any stay, but with all the force we could we ranne the galley upon the shore right under the fort, within a coits cast of it, with such violence, that we brake her backe; and she suncke presently: for there where we landed, went a breach of the sea, which presently cast her away. The boats comming after did the like. At our arrivall, those in the fort had laden all their ordinance, being seven pieces of brasse, to discharge them upon us at our landing; which indeed they did: for our admirall leaping into the water, all the rest following him, off came these pieces of ordinance: but almighty God be praised, they in the fort, with feare to see us land in their faces, had piked their ordinance so steepe downewards with their mouthes, that they shot all their shot in the sand, although, as I sayd before, it was not above a coits cast at the most betweene the place wee landed and the face of the fort: so that they only shot off one of our mens armes, without doing any more hurt; which was to us a great blessing of God: for if those ordinances had bene well levelled, a great number of us had lost our lives at that instant. Our admirall seeing this, cried out, incouraging his men, Upon them, upon them; all (by Gods helpe) is ours: and they therewith ran to the fort with all violence. Those foure ensignes of men that were set to defend our landing, seeing this resolution, began to go backe, and retire into certeine bushes that were by the same fort; and being followed, fledde thorowe a certeine oaze which was drie, being then but the beginning of the tide: and so abandoned the fort, and left it with their ordinance to us. This day of our arrivall was their Goodfriday, when by custome they usually whippe themselves: but God sent us now for a generall scourge to them all, whereby that labour among them might be well spared. The fort being taken with all their ordinance, the admirall waved to the ships, willing them to wey and come in; which they did with all speed, himselfe taking order in leaving certeine men in keeping the sayd fort, and placed the ordinance toward the high towne, from whence hee suspected the greatest danger; and putting his men in order, marched toward the low towne, which was about some foureteene score from the fort: in which towne lay all their merchandize and other goods. Approching to the towne, he entered the same, the people imbarking themselves in caravels & boats, with all the expedition they could. The base towne, of above an hundred houses, being thus taken, we found in it great store of merchandizes of all sorts: as Brasil-wood, sugars, Calico-cloth, pepper, cynamon, cloves, mase, nutmegs, with divers other good things, to the great comfort of us all. The admirall went up and downe the towne, and placed at the South end of the same captaine Venner and his company, himselfe and his company in the midst of the towne, and captaine Barker and captaine Addy at the other end of the towne, giving great charge, that no man upon paine of great punishment and losse of his shares, should breake up or enter into any warehouse, without order and direction from the admirall. And this commandement was as well kept as ever any was kept, where so great spoile and booty was found: for it was not knowen in all the time of our being there, that any disorder was committed, or any lodge or warehouse broken open, or any spoile was made, or pillaging of any thing; which is a note much to be observed in such an action: for common mariners and souldiers are much given to pillaging and spoiling, making greater account of the same then of their shares.

Order being put in all things, we kept a very sure watch this first night, and the morning being come, our admirall and captaine Venner, with the rest of the captaines, went about the towne, and gave order for the fortifying of it with all expedition: so that within two dayes it was surrounded with posts & planks, all that part of the towne next the maine land, at least nine foot high; for (God be thanked) we found provision in the towne, sufficient store for it. Now it is to be understood, that this towne is environed on the one part by the sea, and on the backside by a river that runneth behinde it; so that to come to it by land, you must enter it by a small narrow passage not above forty paces over at an high water. At this passage we built a fort, and planted in it five pieces of ordinance, which we tooke out of the first fort we wan at our comming into the harborow. Now we having the towne in possession, our admirall sent for the Hollanders by his chyrurgian, which had bene brought up in that countrey, a man knowing their conditions, and sober and discreet of his owne cariage. At his first comming aboord of them, they seemed to stand upon their owne guard and defence, for they were three great and strong ships: but he used himselfe so, that they at the last willed him to come into the greatest of their ships, which was above 450 tunnes. Then he declared to them our intent of comming thither, and that they should be there as sure from any shew of violence or injury offered them, as if they were in their owne houses, and if they should thinke so good, his admirall would fraight them for England , if they would be content with fraight reasonable, and as they should agree, and it should be at their owne choise whether to go or not, he would not force them, unlesse it were to their benefit and good liking. Although this people were somewhat stubburne at the first, as that nation is in these causes, yet being satisfied with good words and good dealing they came aland, & after conference had with the admirall, they were so satisfied, that they went thorow with a fraight: and then we joyned with them, & they with us, and they served us as truely & as faithfully as our owne people did, both at watch and ward, by sea and all other services. Within two dayes after our comming in, about midnight, a great number of Portugals and Indians with them, came downe upon us with a very great cry and noise; but God be thanked, we were ready for them: for our admirall supposing some such assault, had provided all our muskets with haile-shot, which did so gaule both the Indians and the Portugals, that they made them presently retreat. And this is to be noted, that there was both the horse and his rider slaine both with one of these shot. Our men followed them some five or sixe score, but no further. We lost in this conflict but onely one man, but had divers hurt. What was lost of their part, we could not tell, for they had before day, after our retreat, caried away all their dead. Within three or foure dayes after our comming in appeared before the harborow 3 ships & 2 pinnesses, the pinnesses being somewhat nere, discried our flags, and one of them came in, which was a French pinnesse, declaring all the rest to be French bottoms; which our admirall willed should come in: and so they did. These were Frenchmen of war, and came thither for purchase. The captaines came aland, and were welcomed; amongst whom was one captaine John Noyer of Diepe, that the yere before had taken in our admirall at the iland of Mona in the West Indies, where his ship was cast away, comming out of the East Indies. To this man our admirall offered great kindnes, and performed it, & was not ungratefull for his former benefit shewed unto him. This captaine desired of our admirall to bestow upon him his ships lading of Fernambuc-wood, which he granted him, and also his pinnesse, and more, gave him a caravel of about 50 tuns, & bid him lade her with wood also; which with other benefits he gratefully received. To the other two captaines he granted their ladings of wood, the one captaine being of Diepe, the other of Rochel. The captain of Diepe confessed that he met Abraham Cocke certein moneths before, & being distressed for want of water, gave him some, & went with him to a watering place where he had water enough, and so departed from him, saying that his men were very weake. The comming in of these ships did much strengthen us; for our admiral appointed both these French and the Flemings to keepe watch upon the river by night with their boats, every boat having in her 12 men at the least, and the boats well provided. This was for feare of fired ships or barks to come downe, which our admirall had great care unto, and caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers, at all advantages to shun them, if by that meanes they should attempt to put us out of the harborow; giving commandement to us that watched in the towne, that what fires soever we should espy or see, not one man to start from his watch or quarter, unlesse we were by himselfe commanded to the contrary. Now this order put in all things, and having viewed all the goods in the towne, and thinking our selves sufficiently fortified, we began to unlade our ships, which came as full laden in as they went foorth, but not with so good merchandize. And this order was taken about the unlading of them, and also the lading of goods out of the towne: our men were divided into halves, and the one halfe wrought one day, and the other halfe the other day; alwayes those that wrought not kept the watch with their furniture in their hands and about them, and none stept far off or wandred from his colours, and those that wrought had all their weapons in good order set & placed by them, so that at an instant every one knew where to go to his furniture: and this was very carefully looked unto.

The third day after our comming in, came down from the higher towne, which might be about foure miles off upon a hill, three or foure of the principall gentlemen of the countrey, and sayd that from the bishop, themselves, & the rest, they would have some conference with our admirall. This newes being brought to the admirall, he hung downe his head for a small season; and when he had muzed a while, he answered, I must go aboord of the Flemings upon busines that importeth me, and therefore let them stay if they will: and so he went & sate there with the Flemings from nine of the clocke till two at the afternoone. In this space divers messengers went to the admirall, to come away, for these gentlemen stayd. To whom he gave this answere: Are they not gone yet? And about two of the clocke he came aland, and then they tolde him they were departed. Many of the better sort of our men marvelled, and thought much, because he would not vouchsafe to come and have conference with such men of account as they seemed to be. But the admiral made them this answere, Sirs, I have bene brought up among this people, I have lived among them as a gentleman, served with them as a souldier, and lived among them as a merchant, so that I should have some understanding of their demeanors and nature; and I know when they cannot prevaile with the sword by force, then they deale with their deceiveable tongues; for faith and trueth they have none, neither will use any, unlesse it be to their owne advantage. And this I give you warning, that if you give them parle, they will betray us; and for my part, of all nations in the world, it would grieve me most to be overtaken by this nation & the Spaniards: and I am glad it was my fortune to pay them with one of their owne fetches, for I warrant you they understand me better then you thinke they do. And with this I pray you be satisfied; I hope it is for all our goods: for what shall we gaine by parle, when (by the helpe of God) we have gotten already that we came for, should we venture that we have gotten with our swords, to see if they can take it from us by words and policy? there were no wisedome in so doing. You know what it hath cost us, and how many men lie wounded that be not yet hole of this other nights hurts: and therefore from hencefoorth I give this commission, that if any be taken, he be sent away with this order, although he come as a friend, that if either he or any other approch us from henceforth, he shalbe hanged out of hand: and other course then this I will not take with them. Which course was followed, for within 3 or 4 dayes after it was performed by two taken in the night: and after that we were never troubled with spies; and although divers slaves came running from their men to us, by which we understood much of their working & pretences, yet the admirall would enterteine few of them.

In this meane time that we began to worke, the Portugals with the country people were not idle, for seeing us so busie, about sixe nights after our comming in, they privily in the night cast up a trench in the sands about a sacar shot from our ships, minding there to plant ordinance, which would have offended our ships greatly; & they would not have bene able to have rode there to take in their lading, which now began to go aboord of them. The admirall hearing this, about 3 of the clocke in the after noone marshalled our men, and he and all the rest of the captaines marched toward them. The Portugals & Indians perceiving our comming, began to withdraw themselves within the trench, meaning (as it should appeare) to fight it out there: but we made no stand, neither did it behove us, but presently approched the trenches with our muskets & pikes, afore their trenches were thorowly finished : so that by Gods helpe we entered them. And the Portugals & Indians left the place, & left unto us 4 good peeces of brasse ordinance, with powder and shot & divers other necessaries, and among the rest 5 smal carts of that countrey, which to us were more worth then al the rest we tooke, for the lading of our goods from the towne to the waters side: for without them we could not have told what to have done, much of our goods being so heavie, that without carts, we were not able to weyld them: all these things we brought away & destroyed al those platforms that they had made, and then we had rest with them for certaine dayes, in which we went forward, deviding our marchandize with captaine Venner according to our consort, and went daily lading them abord, every ships company according as their turnes fell out, but only the three Dutch ships : for the goods being put into their boats their owne companies laded themselves. And this farther good chance or blessing of God we had to helpe us, that assoone as we had taken our cartes, the next morning came in a ship with some 60 Negros, 10 Portugall women, and 40 Portugals: the women and the Negros we turned out of the towne, but the Portugals our Admirall kept to draw the carts when they were laden, which to us was a very great ease. For the countrey is very hote and ill for our nation to take any great travell in.

In this towne there is no fresh water to be had, and therefore we were every 5 or 6 dayes compelled to passe over the river into the maine land to get fresh water, which after the first or second time the Portugals kept and would have defended our watering, so that we were driven to water of force, and at severall times some of our men were hurt, and onely two or three slaine, and with this danger we were forced to get our water.

And as they molested us in our watering, so they slept not in other devises, but put in practise to burne our ships or remove them out of the harbour. For within some 20 dayes after our comming in, they had prepared 5 Caravels and filled them with such things as would best take fire and burne: these they brought within a mile or little more of our ships, and there set them on fire, for neerer they could not well come because of our watch of boates, for as is above said, the Admirall had alwaies 6 boates that kept watch above halfe a mile from the ships for feare of such exploytes as these, which was the cause they could not fire them so neere the ships as they would have done. But these fired Caravels had the tide with them, and also the little winde that blewe was in their favour; which caused them to come downe the streame the faster: which our boats perceiving made to them with as much expedition as conveniently they could, but the tide and wind both serving them, they approched toward the ships with great expedition. Our men in the towne began to be in some feare of them, yet no man mooved or started from his quarter more then if there had bene nothing to doe. Also the masters and such as were aboord, were somewhat amased to see 5 so great fires to be comming downe among their ships, but they prepared for to cleere them of it, as well as they could, being provided afore hande & judging that some such stratagems would be there used, the river being very fit therefore. But (God be thanked) who was alwaies with us & our best defence in this voyage; by whose assistance we performed this so great an attempt with so small forces. Our companie in the boats so played the men when they saw the fires come neere our ships, that casting grapnels with yron chaines on them, as every boat had one for that purpose, some they towed aground, and some they brought to a bitter or anker, where they rode till all their force was burned out, & so we were delivered by Gods helpe from this fearefull danger. Within some 6 nights after this, which might be about the 26 day after our comming in & abode there, about 11 of the clocke at night, came driving downe other 3 great raftes burning with the hugest fires that I have seene. These were exceeding dangerous, for when our men approched them thinking to clap their grapnels upon them, as they had done upon the Caravels the night before, they were prevented: for there stooke out of the rafts many poles which kept them from the body of the rafts, that they could not come to throw their grapnels into them: & yet they had this inconvenience worse then al the rest which most troubled us. There stooke out among the poles certaine hollow trunks filled with such provision of fire-workes that they ceased not still (as the fire came downe to those trunks to set them on fire) to spout out such sparkles, that our boats having powder in them for our mens use, durst not for feare of fyring themselves with their owne powder come neere those sparkles of the raftes, but seeing them to drive neerer & neerer our ships, they wet certain clothes and laid upon their flaskes and bandelers and so ventured upon them, & with their grapnels tooke holde of them, and so towed them on ground, where they stooke fast & were not burnt out the next day in the morning. Diverse logs and timbers came driving along by our ships, and burning, but with our boats we easily defended them. And thus (God be praysed) we escaped the second fires. A third firing was prepared, as a Negro gave us to understand, but this we prevented by our departure. For this third firing were very great preparations; and we were credibly informed of certainetie, that this firing should be such as we should never be able to prevent, and assuredly these fires be dangerous things and not to be prevented upon the sudden, unlesse it be afore prepared for and foreseene. For when it commeth upon the sudden and unlooked for, and unprovided for, it bringeth men into a great amazement and at their wits ende. And therefore let all men riding in rivers in their enemies countrey be sure to looke to be provided before hand, for against fire there is no resistance without preparation.

Also it is a practise in these hot countreys, where there be such expert swimmers, to cut the cables of ships: and one night it was practised to cut the Admirals cable, and yet the boate rode by the cable with two men in her to watch all the night, and the bwoy onely was cut, but not the cable: but after that night, seeing then our good watch, they never after attempted it.

While all these things passed, our ships (God be thanked) thorow the industry of our governours, and diligent labour of our men, began to be wholly laden, and all the best marchandize conveyed aboord our ships, so that our Admirall ment to depart that night, which was the 31 day after our entrance, or else on the next day at the farthest, and so warning was given to all men to make themselves readie. Our Admiral being aboord his ship ye same morning, espyed in the sands right against the place where the ships rode, that there was a small banke of sand newly cast up, under which he perceived now and then some people to be: presently he tooke his boat and went to the towne and called all the Captaines together, declaring that the enemies were about some pretence right against the ships, consulting whether it were best to sally out & see what they were doing, or depart that evening according to the former determination. The Admirall was of opinion to depart that night, saying it was but folly to seeke warres since we had no neede to doe it: other affirmed, it were good to see what they did, least the winde might be contrarie and the ships not get out, and so our enemies may build upon us to our great disadvantage. Well, said the Admiral, the matter is not great, for there can be no danger in this sally, for where they worke it is within Falkonshot of the ships, and if any power should come against you, the ships may play upon them with 40 peeces of ordinance at the least, so that a bird cannot passe there but she must be slaine. I am somewhat unwilling you should go, for I have not bene well these two dayes, and I am not strong to march upon those heavie sands: they answered all at once, you shall not neede to trouble your selfe for this service, for you see it is nothing and of no danger, being so neere the ships, doubt you not we will accomplish this service well ynough, and returne againe within this houre. The Admirall answered: the danger cannot be great, but yet you shall goe out strong for feare of the worst. And so the Admirall marshalled them 275 men French and English, which were under the conduct of Edmund Barker, captaine Barker of Plimmouth, Viceadmirall to captaine Venner, captaine Addy, and the three French captaines all going out together, and they were to march upon a narrow peece of ground to the place whether they were sent unto: in the brodest part betwixt the sea and the water on the other side, it is not above a stones cast, for it is a bank of sand lying betweene the river & the sea, so they needed not to feare any comming on their backs or on their sides, and before them could no man come, but he must passe by all the ships which no company of men were able to do without present death. The Admirall commanded them at their departure to go no further then the place he sent them to, and so he himselfe went aboord the ships and made readie all the ordinance for feare of the worst, not knowing what might insue, although he saw no danger might follow. Thus we marched quietly till we came to the place we were sent unto, being right over against the ships: out of which place came some dozen shot, which seeing us come, discharged and ran their wayes with such as were working within the said platforme. So that we came into it and perceived they had begunne to lay plankes to plant ordinance upon. Our Admiral commanded, if there were any such thing, to burne the plankes & returne in againe, which we might have done without hurting of any mans finger: but our leaders were not content to have performed the service committed them in charge, but would needes expresly & against their order march on further to fight with certaine Ensignes almost a mile off, cleane out of the reach of the ordinance of all our ships, & where lay the strength of the whole countrey. When our men began to draw neere those Ensigns of men, the Ensignes seemed to retire with great speed, which our men followed with such great hast that some outrunning other some, our order was broken, and those ensignes retyred themselves into the force of the whole countrey, so that our formost men were in the midst of their enemies yer they were aware, which were slaine yer the rest could come to succour them. The enemies incouraged by this, came also upon the rest, which presently began to retire, & the enemies followed them til they came within the reach of the ordinance of our ships, where they were beaten off and left their pursuit. In this conflict were slaine captain Barker captaine of the Salomon, captaine Cotton ye Admirals Lieutenant, captaine John Noyer a French captaine of Diepe, and another French captaine of Rochel, with M. John Barker & other to the number of 35: for these were the formost and hottest in the pursuit of the Ensignes aforesaid, and by their forwardnes came all to perish. At our returne into the towne the Admiral came to us much bewayling the death of so many good men as were lost, wondering what we ment to passe the expresse order that was given us. With this losse our men were much danted, but our Admirall began againe to encourage them, declaring that the fortune of the warres was sometimes to win and sometimes to loose. And therewithall he wished every man to prepare & make himselfe readie: for that night (God willing) he would depart. For all our ships were readie and laden, and he would not stay any further fortune. The evening being come, the ships began to wey & go forth of the harbour, and God be thanked of his goodnesse toward us who sent us a faire wind to go foorth withall, so that by 11 of the clocke in the night we were all forth in safety. The enemies perceiving our departing, planted a peece or two of ordinance, and shot at us in the night, but did us no harme. We were at our comming foorth 15 sailes, that is, 3 sailes of Hollanders, the one of 450 tunnes, the other of 350 tunnes, and the third of 300 tunnes, foure sailes of french & one ship which the Admiral gave the french Captain, 3 sailes of Captain Venners fleet of Plimmouth, and 4 sailes of our Admirals fleete, all these were laden with marchandizes, and that of good worth. We stayed in this harbour to passe all this businesse but onely 31 dayes, and in this time we were occupied with skirmishes and attempts of the enemie 11. times; in all which skirmishes we had the better, onely this last excepted. To God be the honour and praise of all, &c. The whole fleete being out in safety, the next day in the morning the Admirall gave order to the whole fleete to saile toward Peranjew a harbour lying some 40 leagues to the Northward of Fernambucke, and there to take in fresh water and to refresh themselves: and to make provision for refreshing, our Admirall had sent thither some 6 daies before two French men in a smal pinnesse, which Frenchmen he had provided from Diepe before his comming out of England for that purpose. For both these two spake the Indians language very perfectly: for at this port of Peranjew and an other called Potaju some 6 leagues to the Northward the Frenchmen have had trade for brasilwood, and have laden from thence by the Indians meanes, who have fet it for them some 20 leagues into the country upon their backs, 3 or 4 ships every yere. Thus we all sailed toward Peranjew, at which place we arrived in the night, so that we were forced to lie off & on with a stiffe gale of wind, in which we lost the most part of our fleete, & they not knowing this coast put off to the sea, and so went directly for England . Our Admirall and some 4 saile more with him put into the harborow of Peranjew, and there watered and refreshed himselfe very well, with hens, conies, hares and potatos, with other things, which the two Frenchmen had partly provided before his comming: this is a very good harborow where ships may ride and refresh very well. But, as I am given to understand since our comming from thence, the Portugals have attempted the place and doe inhabite it, and have put the French from their accustomed trade. Here having watered and refreshed our selves, we put to the sea, plying after the rest of our fleete which were gone before, which we never heard of till our arrivall in England at The downes in the moneth of July, where we understood the rest of our consorts to be passed up for London , Captaine Venner & his fleete to be at Plimmouth, and the French ships to be safe arrived at Diepe, which to us was very great comfort. At our setting sayle from The downes, according as the custome is, finding the Queenes ships there, we saluted them with certaine ordinance. The Gunner being carelesse, as they are many times of their powder, in discharging certain pieces in ye gunner roome, set a barrel of powder on fire, which tooke fire in ye gunner roome, blew up the Admirals caben, slew the gunner with 2 others outright, & hurt 20 more, of which 4 or 5 died. This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burnt in the gunner roome among all the fire workes, that no man at the first wist what to doe: but recalling backe their feare, they began to cast water into the gunner roome in such abundance (for the Queenes ships now & also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our helpe) that (God be praised) we put out the fire & saved all, & no great harme was done to the goods. By this may be scene that there is no sure safety of things in this world. For now we made account to be out of all danger, where behold a greater came upon us, then we suffered all the whole voyage. But the almightie be praysed for ever, which delivered us out of this and many other in this voyage. Our fire being well put out, and we taking in fresh men (God be praysed) we came to Blacke-wall in safety.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 United States License.

An XML version of this text is available for download, with the additional restriction that you offer Perseus any modifications you make. Perseus provides credit for all accepted changes, storing new additions in a versioning system.

hide Dates (automatically extracted)
Sort dates alphabetically, as they appear on the page, by frequency
Click on a date to search for it in this document.
1580 AD (4)
1542 AD (4)
1540 AD (4)
October, 1594 AD (2)
September, 1594 AD (2)
1581 AD (2)
June, 1578 AD (2)
1532 AD (2)
1530 AD (2)
hide Display Preferences
Greek Display:
Arabic Display:
View by Default:
Browse Bar: