Although the following narrative sufficiently explains itself and is replete with evidence of the author's feeling, and of the point of view from which he has regarded the fratricidal strife still raging in America, it may be permitted him to remark in this place, that the impulse by which he was prompted in bearing arms for the Southern cause, was simply that inherent love of liberty which animates every English heart. With all to lose and naught to gain in opposing the tyranny of Federal rule, and with no legal or political tie to North or South, he could not, in manhood, stand idly by, and gaze upon the despotism which a blind and fanatical majority sought to thrust upon an unoffending and almost helpless minority.

Having travelled and resided long on the American continent, carefully studying national characteristics, he was not surprised by the inevitable disruption of the Union, nor at any time unaware of the causes tending to that result. Rather, his surprise has been that Southerners should so long have refrained from rising in arms against the accumulated insults and injuries which, for a long series of years, have been heaped upon them. They would have been unworthy of their origin, and must have shown themselves less than men, had they longer submitted to the degradation of being deprived of free speech and action amongst a people whose prosperity had been fostered by their industry, and whose history they had ennobled by heroic deeds.

Apart from all untruthful bias, although serving in a cause he enthusiastically espoused, the author has followed the fortunes of Southern armies in this narrative with an honest intention to present facts, uncolored, and exact in detail, so far as space would allow or his position and facilities enabled [xii] him to obtain them. Every statement he has made can be fully substantiated; he would esteem it unmanly, unsoldierly, and degrading, to speak untruly of these events.

The real source of Northern prosperity has been misunderstood; so, in the author's opinion, has the real character of the Yankee people. The nasal-toned, tobacco-chewing, and long-limbed gentleman of the present day inhabiting the New-England States, speaks the English language, it is true, in his own peculiar way, but Indian, Canadian, Irish, Dutch, French, and other bloods, course through his veins; and from his extraordinary peculiarities of habit and character displayed in this present war, it is extremely difficult to imagine which caste or shade predominates in him. He is a volatile, imaginative, superficial, theatrically-inclined individual, possessing uncommon self-confidence, and is very self-willed, arrogant, and boastful. His self-conceit is boundless: any one who disputes his ideas is a fool.

The peculiarities of Yankee character displayed during the present war are very amusing, but sometimes, it must be confessed, very offensive. When General Scott was in chief command at Washington, and promised to “disperse the rebels within thirty days,” the Northern editors were lavish and servile in praise of “the great chief” Columns upon columns of editorial flattery daily issued from their journals. A thousand anecdotes and incidents were narrated of him when a precocious child, and, if remembered rightly, it was said his first plaything was a cannon. McDowell, his talented lieutenant, came in also for his share of praise, although thousands asked: “Who is McDowell?” When the reports of the Washington Administration claimed a victory at Manassas, the whole nation vociferously chaunted the praises of Scott and McDowell; but when the truth leaked out the day following, not a newspaper in the whole country but vilified them both, calling the first a stupid, ignorant old blockhead, and the latter a traitor.

Butler had appeared upon the scene some short time before. Being from Massachusetts, (where none are found, of course, except men of extraordinary talents, genius, veracity, and bravery,) he was going forth from Fortress Monroe to massacre or “bag” the entire Confederate force at Little Bethel. The press was in ecstasies; a swarm of reporters repaired to [xiii] headquarters, and Butler could not sneeze but the fact was telegraphed North as something very ominous, and presaging no good to the rebels. Magruder and Hill whipped him completely in half an hour; and the press, as usual, poured out their vials of wrath, and he was treated to all the derision and vilification of an angry and disappointed populace.

McClellan next appeared in the arena, and the whole country was awe-struck at the supposed magnitude of his genius. None dared approach him save on tip-toe; dead silence prevailed wherever he went; reporters stretched their ears to catch the least word he uttered, which, after being highly ornamented and rendered very romantic, was blazoned forth to the North as the “last” good thing of the “Young Napoleon.” All the world was supposed to be standing in breathless curiosity to know “what was-coming next;” artists of various illustrated journals sharpened their pencils, and anxiously yearned to sketch the rapid succession of victories which were promised to be forthcoming; but time jogged along, and even Northern journalists began to grow weary of McClellan's inactivity. They had fully exhausted all their store of flattery and praise, and were now utterly fatigued with the task of fruitless and never-ending laudation.

The “Young Napoleon” had been compared to Alexander, Caesar, Hannibal, and Napoleon the Great ; but nothing in the history or character of those famous leaders was considered fully adequate to the heaven-born qualities of George B. McClellan. His eyes, hair, mouth, teeth, voice, manner, and apparel, had all been described in carefully prepared leaders; and even his boots had something pertaining to their make and style indicative of the surpassing talents of the wearer.1 His [xiv] servant was idolized, and nothing could be too good for him; for it. was through this important functionary that a gaping and delighted public were favored with the last and latest anecdotes illustrative of the great man, his master. Time went on, and the “Young Napoleon” suffered a series of defeats, not only fatal, but humiliating. 2 Although he attempted to conceal his [xv] disasters, the truth became known at last, and the long pent up expectation of the Northern press burst forth in a torrent of abuse. The English language being incapable of illustrating their feelings, new epithets were invented to denote their [xvi] accumulated contempt and scorn for the “Young Napoleon.” 3 Yankee character delights in extremes: it is all adulation or all abuse.

Fremont, who once ran for President of the United States, had also experienced the changeful feeling of the Northern masses, and bore their strictures, we are told, with but little grace. When appointed to command the forces in Missouri, the newspapers, as usual, were literally crammed with sketches, anecdotes, and illustrations of the “great Pathfinder.” Nothing too absurd could be said in his favor; all the river cities of Missouri were preparing grand receptions for him; Dutch lager-bier brewers were laying in large stocks to meet the forthcoming demand: for on Fremont's arrival, the land was expected to flow with milk and honey. Fremont was called “the coming man,” “the great unknown,” “the master mind;” in truth, he was extolled and looked upon as a demigod. St. Louis and the West ran riot with delight. Dutch cheese, Dutch beer, Dutch bands, Dutch every thing was the order of the day, and delightful guttural Dutch was the language of Fremont's embryo court, held with mock state in Choteau avenue. The “ragged” Confederates, however, put a sudden stop to the round [xvii] of conviviality and expense in which he indulged. Disaster attended the Federal army in the West, and Fremont sank low in the opinion of even his former admirers. He was suddenly removed, and the Northern newspapers turned against him.

What had become of John Pope, late Commander--in Chief of the army of Virginia, was matter of speculation among all classes; but, from the fearful clamor raised throughout the North regarding his late series of brilliant defeats, it was considered possible that he had been sent on a reconnoitring expedition among those mountains where, as his despatches stated, he had driven poor Stonewall Jackson. 4 Rumor said that the [xviii] Washington Cabinet had exiled him among the Indians of the North-West, where he night practise the art of war without [xix] sacrificing from five to ten thousand men at every exhibition of his genius. McDowell, Porter, and many old officers, who had [xx] been accused of “treason” by this great and veracious Incapable, were said to be temporarily deprived of their commands, [xxi] and enjoying whiskey-and-water among the anti-Administration party of New York.

While the Yankee is extremely bitter towards unsuccessful [xxii] men, and ungenerously visits upon them all manner of contumely and disgrace, he is equally unjust to those in subordinate commands who betray tokens of ability and success; particularly if they are so unfortunate as to entertain political opinions contrary to those of the Administration. It matters not what ability an officer may possess; if he is not politically identified with his masters, promotion is denied, and the press so effectually gagged that no word of commendation may escape it. Sigel, 5 Sturges, Grant, Buell, Rosecrans, and others, [xxiii] who have displayed traits of genius under adverse circumstances, have never been called to chief command, simply because they were foreigners, or opposed to the dominant party in politics. Men of ability, without politicians to assist them, can never expect to rise; and if it were known to-morrow that a foreigner was in the ranks capable of guiding the destinies of the nation, he might remain there in obscurity, and the continent be reduced to anarchy, ere Northern pride would succumb to be led by any one who was not born on the soil.

The Yankee proper hates all foreigners, when any thing is to be gained or given away. It is conceded, indeed, that Europeans are serviceable as food for powder, and great pains are taken to keep up a plentiful supply of this food by numerous agents, who are busily engaged for this purpose in Europe. But, although they cannot deny that the foreign element has been the stepping-stone to all their past prosperity, and that it has proved itself superior to native blood upon every battlefield, they will unblushingly protest on all occasions that “we Americans” are the great rulers and master-minds, capable of achieving any thing and every thing of which a mortal man might dream. Poor unfortunate foreigners may sweat and toil, and fight or bleed for them; but, were the war to cease to-morrow, hundreds would be shot down in the public streets, as happened in Louisville and Baltimore: and for no other reason, perhaps, save that they dare to think for themselves in the use of the suffrage.

In the appointment and dismissal of their generals, the constant practice of the North has made them ridiculous alike to Southerners and to all Europe. A man is called to command because a political faction admires or thinks him capable; though, probably, he has no notion of the duties of an officer. Every new appointment serves to create a “sensation,” and, for a time, it appeases the clamor of the press. The newly-fledged commander, however modest he may naturally be, finds himself instantly transformed into a genius, and the eyes of the nation are fixed upon him in ecstatic hope. Something in his eye [xxiv] betrays vast penetration, if not positive knowledge, of the future; his walk may be slow-he is a studious, long-headed man, and all will be well; his step may be quick and elastic — a sure sign of brilliancy and activity. If his speech is loud, he was born to command; if soft, he is dealing in mysteries. It matters not, indeed, what he is, or might have been, or what he has or has not done-he is a new man, and an untried one. He has many things in his gift, and is quickly flattered out of them by crowds of sycophants, who care not a jot who rules, amid the rack and ruin of the times, so that they themselves have secured something from the national plunder.

If the genius of the hour proves unsuccessful, he is immediately kicked from high places, and sinks into deeper obscurity than he had known before. No inquiries are instituted to ascertain how much he might have been to blame, and whether the disgrace has been caused by himself or his more culpable subordinates; it is sufficient that he has been unsuccessful. The Yankee demands success: it is the master passion of his life; if he cannot obtain a whole victory, he is willing to purchase half a one at any cost. Northern victories have been frequent on paper; but these, he is fully aware, are not sufficient to gratify European tastes, however much they may delight and comfort excitable and inflated Northerners.

The pride and self love of the North are so extravagant, that the bare idea of defeat in any undertaking is hurtful and humiliating. They think themselves born to unprecedented renown; and it is a foregone conclusion, that no nation ever did, or ever can, approach them in those talents with which they suppose themselves to be transcendently endowed. In machinery of all classes, in ship and boat-building, in railways, telegraphs, cities, in energy and success, other nations of the world are supposed to be infinitely their inferiors. And, as to fighting on land or water I they firmly believe that one Yankee is worth any six “Britishers.” In truth, the Yankee proper has hitherto thought, or been taught to believe, that the nations of Europe are seized with fear and trembling whenever an American stump-orator rises to speak.

Not long before the present war began, Yankee programmes of future operations in the Eastern and Western hemispheres [xxv] were freely circulated and discussed; and the preposterous magnitude of them would have excited smiles of compassion in any but the inflated petty politicians of New-England. The whole country, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific, was theirs; England was to be deprived of the Canadas, and American emissaries were already there laying plans for any expected or presupposed uprising of the people. England, of course, could do nothing in the matter. It was known that she was much averse to any American quarrel — in fact, feared it: and should she dare to lift a hand in defence of her possessions, a fortnight would be all-sufficient to “clean out” the whole British empire, east and west. Ireland was to be made a republic, with Thomas Francis Meagher as president. England was also to be revolutionized, and Brown, Williams, or Jones, placed in the presidential chair. France was next on the list; Louis Napoleon was to be deposed, and the country partitioned. If Ledru Rollin or Louis Blanc were unwilling to take charge of affairs, the empire should be offered as a gift to their particular friend, the Emperor of Russia, as a token of commiseration for the injustice done him by the Western Powers. All the petty German kings and princes were to be sent to the right about; the Sultan was to be thrown into the Bosphorus, and his lands settled by Russian peasants or free negroes. Mexico was to be appropriated, and all Central America with it; Cuba, of course, was to be annexed; and many predicted that few months would elapse ere the Stars and Stripes should float over the walls of Moro Castle! The West-India, Bahama, and all other islands were to be appendages to the American Republic; and if no other use could be made of them, they were to be converted into coaling stations for the omnipotent Yankee navy, rather than that the detested banner of Old England should wave over any portion of territory in the Atlantic Ocean. From the Equator to the North Pole, and from the Canaries to the Sandwich Islands, no spot of earth was to be under any rule save the sway of the omnipotent Yankee; who, complacently picking his teeth on top of the Rocky Mountains, might at one view take in half the world, and call it his own.

This is scarcely an exaggeration of the wild dream of universal empire which haunted the brain of the excitable and self-sufficient Yankee. But the intoxicating idea was rudely [xxvi] disturbed; though not by any aggressive power desirous of forestalling Northern ambition by a similar career of conquest and domination. 6 When hostilities began, the Southerners were comparatively helpless for all purposes of war; their resources were inconsiderable, and but little of the material of war was at their command, save brave hearts and willing hands. Yet one short year had not elapsed ere this heroic people stood before the world resolute to defend their independence, armed with the spoils of victories in many a hard-fought battle-field. [xxvii] The valor and triumphs of the South by land and sea, under the most adverse circumstances, are recorded in these volumes. No people, no nation has struggled more manfully for freedom; and could England truly know the privations, sufferings, and patriotic self-sacrifice of the women and children in that far distant land, compassion would assume some material form to relieve the necessities of these descendants of her ancient and noble emigrants.

Yet the South is just as far from subjugation as when the strife began, despite the almost superhuman exertions of her enemies; and there is little doubt but that she will ere long claim recognition from the European Powers as an independent nation. [1]

1 The Washington Chronicle, June twenty-second, furnishes us a case in point:

The infant Napoleon.

An incident which occurred in the city of Philadelphia in the winter of 1826-7, is particularly worthy of record in our present crisis, inasmuch as it relates to the early history of one who fills a position commanding the attention and admiration of the world, and particularly of our own country. I will premise by saying I was in Philadelphia in the winter spoken of, attending medical lectures under a distinguished surgeon, then a professor in one of the institutions of the city. A son was born to our professor, and the event scarcely transpired before the father announced it to his delighted pupils. Scales were instantly brought from a neighboring grocer. Into one dish he placed the babe, into the other all the weights. The beam was raised, but the child moved not! The father, emptying his pockets, threw in his watch, coin, keys, knives, and lancets, but to no purpose — the little hero could not be moved! He conquered every thing! And at last, while adding more and more weight, the cord supporting the beam gave way, and broke, rather than the giant infant would yield! The father was Dr. McClellan, and the son-General McClellan! our young commander on the Potomac. The country will see a prophetic charm in this incident. Truly, he was weighed in the balance and not found wanting. May his present and future life stand the test as well! Surrounded as he is by traitors at home, while rampant rebellion is before him, I hear him amidst the jealousy and envy of cavaliers quietly praying with Job: “Let me be weighed in an even balance, that God may know my integrity!”

This beautiful incident of General McClellan's youth was not written subsequent to the Week's Campaign before Richmond, but at a time when he was the great idol of the North, and had much patronage within his gift.

2 The following is the exceedingly modest address of McClellan after his disastrous defeat in the Seven Days Campaign before Richmond, penned from his snug retreat at Harrison's Landing, within a hundred yards of numerous gunboats:

Headquarters, Army of the Potomac, Harrison's Landing, July 4th.
Soldiers of the Army of the Potomac! Your achievements of the last ten days have illustrated the valor and endurance of the American soldier. Attacked by superior forces, and without hope of reinforcements, you have succeeded in changing your base by a flank movement, always regarded as the most hazardous of military expedients. You have saved all your material, all your trains, and all your guns, except a few lost in battle, taking in return guns and colors from the enemy (?). Upon your march you have been assailed day after day with desperate fury by men of the same race and nation, skilfully massed and led. Under every disadvantage of number, and necessarily of position also, you have in every conflict beaten back your foes with immense slaughter (!). Your conduct ranks you among the celebrated “ armies of history. No one will now question that each of you may always with pride say, I belong to the Army of the Potomac!” You have reached the new base, complete in organization, and unimpaired in spirit. The enemy may at any time attack you: we are prepared to meet them. I have personally established your lines. Let them come, and we will convert their repulse into a final defeat. Your Government is strengthening you with the resources of a great people. Oil this, our nation's birthday, we declare to our foes, who are rebels against the best intentions of mankind, that this army shall enter the capital of the so-called Confederacy, that our national Constitution shall prevail, and that the Union, which can alone insure internal peace and external prosperity to each State, “must and shall be preserved,” cost what it may in time, treasure, and blood!

Geo. B. Mcclellan.

General Lee issued Order No. 75, after the Seven Days Campaign before Richmond, which wonderfully contrasts with the above:

Richmond, July 9th.
On Thursday, June twenty-sixth, the powerful and thoroughly equipped army of the enemy were intrenched in the works, vast in extent and most formidable in character, within sight of our capital. To-day the remains of that confident and threatening host lie on the banks of the James River, thirty miles from Richmond, seeking to recover, under the protection of his gunboats, from the effects of disastrous defeats. The battle, beginning on the afternoon of June twenty-sixth, above Mechanicsville, continued until the night of July first, with only such intervals as were necessary to pursue and overtake the flying foe. His strong intrenchments and obstinate resistance were overcome, and our army swept resistlessly down the north side of the Chickahominy until it reached the rear of the enemy, and broke his communication with York River, capturing or causing the destruction of many valuable stores, and, by the decisive battle of Friday, forcing the enemy from his line of powerful fortifications on the south side of the Chickahominy, and driving him to a precipitate retreat. Our victorious army pursued as rapidly as the obstructions placed by the enemy in his rear would permit, three times overtaking his flying columns, and as often driving him with slaughter from the field, leaving his numerous dead and wounded in our hands in every conflict. The immediate fruits of our success are the relief of Richmond from a state of siege, the rout of the great army which has so long menaced its safety, many thousands of prisoners, including officers of high rank; the capture or destruction of stores to the value of millions, and the acquisition of thousands of arms, and over fifty pieces of superior artillery. The service rendered to the country in this short but eventful period can scarcely be estimated, and the General commanding cannot adequately express his admiration of the courage, endurance, and soldierly conduct of the officers and men engaged. Those brilliant results have cost us many brave men, but while we mourn the loss of our gallant dead, let us not forget that they died in defence of their country's freedom, and have linked their memory with an event that will live forever in the hearts of a grateful people. Soldiers, your country will thank you for the heroic conduct worthy of men engaged in a cause so just and sacred, and deserving a nation's gratitude and praise.

By order of General Lee, R. H. Chilton, Assistant Adjutant-General.

The following is the address of President Davis to the Army after the battles before Richmond:

I congratulate you on the series of brilliant victories which, under divine Providence, you have lately won, and as President of the Confederate States do heartily tender to you the thanks of our country, whose just cause you have so skilfully and heroically served. Ten days ago an invading army, vastly superior to you in numbers and in the material of war, closely beleaguered your capital, and vauntingly proclaimed its speedy conquest. You marched to attack the enemy in his intrenchments. With well-directed movements and death-dealing valor you charged upon. him in his strong position, drove him from field to field over a distance of thirty-five miles, and, despite his reenforcements, compelled him to seek shelter under cover of his gunboats, where he now lies cowering before the army so lately derided and threatened with entire subjugation. The fortitude with which you have borne toil and privation, the gallantry with which you have entered into each successive battle, must have been witnessed to be fully appreciated; but a grateful people will not fail to recognize you, and to bear you in loved remembrance. Well may it be said of you, that you have done enough for glory; but duty to a suffering country, and to the cause of constitutional liberty, claims from you yet further effort. Let it be your pride to relax in nothing which can promote your future efficiency, your one grand object being to drive the invader from your soil, and, carrying your standards beyond the outer boundaries of the Confederacy, to wring from an unscrupulous enemy the recognition of your birthright — community and independence!

(Signed) Jefferson Davis.

3 I have frequently heard distinguished Southern leaders speak of McClellan in the highest terms of compliment. His successful retreat through the Chickahominy swamp is considered by officers to be equal to the best deeds on military record.

It may not be generally known, but men of high position and great veracity have said in Richmond, that McClellan offered his services to the South when the war began, and that he asked to command a division. He was answered that, if his heart was in the cause let him join the ranks like Longstreet and others, and fight his way up to that position. There are documents which put this question beyond dispute, but I have not seen them.

4 Regarding this great chieftain (Pope, not Jackson,) his doings and his antecedents, it may not be improper to place upon record the following historical documents. He thus addressed the army of Virginia on assuming command:

To the Officers and Soldiers of the Army of Virginia!
By special assignment of the President of the United States, I have assumed command of this army. I have spent two weeks in learning your whereabouts, your condition, and your wants, in preparing you for active operations, and in placing you in position from which you can act promptly and to the purpose. I have come to you from the West, where we have always seen the backs of our enemies-from an army whose business it has been to seek the adversary, and to beat him when found — whose policy has been attack, and not defence! In but one instance has the enemy been able to place our Western armies in a defensive attitude. I presume that I have been called here to pursue the same system, and to lead you against the enemy. It is my purpose to do so, and that speedily! I am sure you long for an opportunity to win the distinction you are so capable of achieving; that opportunity I shall endeavor to give you, etc.

A Northern authority, speaking of the depravity of Pope's troops in Virginia, writes:

The new usage which has been instituted in regard to protection of rebel property, and the purpose of the Government to subsist the army as far as practicable upon the enemy's country, has produced a decided revolution in the feelings and practices of the soldiery, and one which seems to me to be regretted. Unless these innovations are guarded by far more stringent safeguards against irregular and unauthorized plundering, we shall have let loose upon the country, at the close of the war, a torrent of unbridled and unscrupulous robbers. Rapid strides towards villainy have been made during the last few weeks; men who at home would have shuddered at the suggestion of touching another's property, now appropriate remorselessly whatever comes within their reach. Thieving, they imagine, has now become an authorized practice; and under the show of subsisting themselves, chickens, turkeys, hams, and corn, have become lawful plunder, with no discrimination as to the character or circumstances of the original owner. I blush when I state that on the march through a section of country, every spring-house is broken open, and butter, milk, eggs, and ham are engulfed before the place is reached by the main body; and it does not seem to matter if such articles are the only stock and store of the poor inhabitants. Calves and sheep, and, in fact, any thing and every thing serviceable for meat or drink, or apparel, are not safe a moment after the approach of our army; even things apparently useless are snatched up, because, it would seem, many men love to steal.

Regarding his attack upon Jackson's corps, and his repulse, he wrote:

Manassas Junction, August 28th, 10 P. M.
As soon as I discovered that a large force of the enemy were turning our right towards Manassas, and that the division I had ordered to take post there two days before had not yet arrived from Alexandria, I immediately broke up my camps at Warrenton Junction and Warrenton, and marched rapidly back in three columns.

I directed McDowell, with his own and Sigel's corps, to march upon Gainesville by the Warrenton and Alexandria turnpike; Reno and one division of Heintzelman to march on Greenwich, and with Porter's corps and Hooker's division, I marched back to Manassas Junction.

McDowell was ordered to interpose between the forces of the enemy which had passed down to Manassas through Gainesville, and his main body moving down from White Plains through Thoroughfare Gap. This was completely accomplished, Longstreet, who had passed through the Gap, being driven back to the west side (!!!)

The forces to Greenwich were designed to support McDowell in case he met too large a force of the enemy. The division of Hooker, marching towards Manassas, came upon the enemy near Kettle Run, on the afternoon of the twenty-seventh, and after a sharp action, routed them completely, killing and wounding three hundred, capturing camps, baggage, and many stand of arms (!)

This morning (twenty-eighth) the command pushed rapidly to Manassas Junction, which Jackson had evacuated three hours before. He retreated by Centreville, and took the turnpike towards Warrenton. He was met six miles west of Centreville by McDowell and Sigel late this afternoon. A severe fight took place, which was terminated by darkness. The enemy was driven back at all points, and thus the affair rests.

Heintzelman's corps will move on him at daylight from Centreville, and I do not see how the enemy is to escape without heavy loss. We have captured one thousand prisoners, many arms, and one piece of artillery.

John Pope, Major-General.

Pope's reputation for truth is now so well known to friend and foe, and his despatches are so unique in every particular, that I refrain from any comments. Al though “Longstreet, who had passed through the Gap, had been driven back,” Pope met both Jackson and Longstreet on the following day, and thus speaks of the result of the fighting on the twenty-ninth in the following “sensational” telegraphic despatch, penned on the morning of the thirtieth, which was read with uproarious delight by millions at the North, at the very moment, perhaps, when Lee was giving him his quietus:

Headquarters, Groveton, August 30th.
We fought a terrific battle here yesterday with the combined forces of the enemy, which lasted with continuous fury from daylight until dark, by which time the enemy were driven from the field which we now occupy. Our troops are too much exhausted to push matters; but I shall do so in the course of the morning, as soon as Fitz-John Porter's corps comes up from Manassas. The enemy is still in front, but badly used. We have not less than eight thousand men killed and wounded; and from the appearance of the field, the enemy has lost two to our one. He stood strictly on the defensive, and every assault was made by ourselves. Our troops have behaved splendidly. The battle was fought on the identical battle-field of Bull Run, which greatly increased the enthusiasm of our men. The news has just reached me from the front, that the enemy is retreating towards the mountains. I at once pushed forward a reconnoitring party to ascertain this. We have made great captures, but I am not yet able to form an idea of their extent.

John Pope, Major-General.

General Lee's despatch to President Davis regarding the Battle of Manassas throws light upon Pope's falsehoods:

Headquarters, Groveton, Aug. 30th, 10 P. M.
The army achieved to-day, on the plains of Manassas, a signal victory over the combined forces of Generals McClellan and Pope. On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth each wing, under Jackson and Longstreet, repulsed with vigor attacks made upon them separately. We mourn the loss of our gallant dead in every conflict, yet our gratitude to Almighty God for His mercies rises higher each day. To Him, and to the valor of our troops, a nation's gratitude is due.

(Signed) Robert E. Lee.

Pope had attained a place in history as a great falsifier long before assuming command of the Army of Virginia, as documents regarding his operations in the West fully demonstrate.

Respecting Beauregard's retreat from Corinth, General Halleck thus telegraphed to Washington, on the strength of Pope's reports:

Headquarters, June 4th, 1862.
General Pope, with forty thousand men, is thirty miles south of Corinth, pushing the enemy hard. He already reports ten thousand prisoners and deserters from the enemy; and fifteen thousand stand of arms captured.

Thousands of the enemy are throwing away their arms. A farmer says, that when Beauregard learned that Colonel Elliot had cut the railroad on his line of retreat he became frantic, and told his men to save themselves the best way they could.:

We have captured nine locomotives and a number of cars. One of the former is already repaired, and is running to-day. Several more will be in running order in two or three days. The result is all I could possibly desire.

H. W. Halleck, Major-General Commanding.

General Beauregard's comments on the above, published in the Mobile Register, were to the following effect:

Headquarters, Western Department, June 17th.
Gentlemen: My attention has just been called to the despatch of Major-General Halleck, commanding the enemy's forces, which, coming from such a source, is most remarkable in one respect — that it contains as many misrepresentations as lines.

General Pope did not “ push hard” upon me with forty thousand men thirty miles from Corinth on the fourth inst., for my troops occupied a defensive line in the rear of “ Twenty Mile Creek,” less than twenty-five miles from Corinth, until the eighth inst., when the want of good water induced me to retire at my leisure to a better position. Moreover, if General Pope had attempted, at any time during the retreat from Corinth, to push hard upon me, I would have.given him such a lesson as would have checked his ardor; but he was careful to advance on after my troops had retired from each successive position.

The retreat was conducted with great order and precision, doing much credit to the officers and men under my orders, and must be looked upon, in every respect, by the country as equivalent to a brilliant victory.

General Pope must certainly have dreamed of taking ten thousand prisoners and fifteen thousand stand of arms; for we positively never lost them. About one or two hundred stragglers would probably cover all the prisoners he took, and about five hundred.damaged muskets is all the arms he got. These belonged to a convalescent camp, four miles south of Corinth, evacuated during the night, and were overlooked on account of the darkness. The actual number of prisoners taken during the retreat was about equal on both sides, and they were but few.

Major-General Halleck must be a very credulous man, indeed, to believe the absurd story of “that farmer” He ought to know that the burning of two or more cars on a railroad is not sufficient to make “Beauregard frantic” and ridiculous, especially when I expected every moment to hear of the capture of the marauding party, whose departure from Farmington had been communicated to me the day before, and I had given, in consequence, all necessary orders; but a part of my forces passed Boonville an hour before the arrival of Colonel Elliot's command, and the other part arrived just in time to drive it away and liberate the convalescents captured; unfortunately, however, not in time to save four of the sick, who were barbarously consumed in the station-house. Let Colonel Elliot's name descend to infamy as the author of such a revolting deed. General Halleck did not capture nine locomotives. It was only by the accidental destruction of a bridge, before some trains had passed, that he got seven engines in a damaged condition, the cars having been burned by my orders.

It is, in fact, easy to see how little the enemy respect truth and justice when speaking of their military operations, especially when, through inability or over-confidence, they meet with deserved failure.

If the result be all he desired, it can be said that Major-General Halleck is easily satisfied; it remains to be seen whether his Government and people will be of the like opinion.

I attest that all we lost at Corinth and during the retreat would not amount to one day's expense of his army.

To complete these documents, an able Northern writer thus speaks of Corinth and its evacuation:

The fortifications about Corinth are plain, ordinary intrenchments, constructed of earth and logs, not elaborate or expensive, hardly first-rate, about six miles in length. They are not superior to any of ours thrown up in a couple of days, and not equal in strength and science to those of our right wing. To speak the truth, they are precisely such as a great army, advancing, retreating, or remaining in the face of an equal foe, would throw up in a night. I was immensely disappointed in them. I have really got up in the morning, eaten my three meals, and gone to bed again, for the, last month, in unutterable awe of these Gibralto-Sebastopolian fortifications of the enemy at Corinth. I walked round about them to-day, marking well their bulwarks, telling the towers thereof till my sides were sore with merriment and my lips sore with chagrin. With the single exception of the abattis of fallen trees, five hundred yards wide in front of them, there is nothing under heaven about the fortifications at Corinth — their situation, style, or strength-more than the most ordinary and temporary fortifications possess.

I went all over the late tented field of the enemy-all over the fortifications-all over the town-talked with the frank druggist and the sturdy Irishman that had worked upon the railroad. And so do I write what I saw in grief, mortification, chagrin, and shame. I said yesterday: “ I'll write no more; others may; I can't. Patriotism will not let me write what I have seen and can swear to.” When I write such words as I am sometimes compelled to, if I write at all, I am afraid lest, in exposing military imbecility, I shall wound and damage our beautiful commonwealth that struggles so tremendously for existence and perpetuity.

But I do religiously believe that it is best now for the commonwealth to hear and heed what is bitter, undisputed fact — the Confederate strategy since the Battle of Shiloh has been as successful as it has been superior. Taking the enemy's standpoint, and Writing when and where I do, I cannot possibly imagine how it could have been more eminent for perfection and success. Taking our stand-point, the stand-point of the Union's hopes and Halleck's fame, I cannot possibly imagine how it could have been more mortifyingly disastrous. If the attack at Shiloh was a surprise to General Grant, the evacuation of Corinth was no less a surprise to General Halleck. If the one ruined Grant, the other has laid out in pallid death the military name and fame of Major-General Halleck.

The druggist says he was two weeks getting away. But aside from such testimony, could the army of Beauregard be removed so cleanly, and completely, and noiselessly, during a night, or day and night, or two days and two nights? Did it require the tremendous concussion of the magazine explosion to get into our ears what we would not get into our eyes — the evacuation? Why, that was the final act of the mortifying drama. On Friday morning we went in. The prisoners that we captured amounted to about four hundred. Four hundred! Even the beggarly picket regiments and light artillery that fought us so boldly, got away. Those that we caught declare that they were kept in ignorance of the movements at Corinth, and were as much surprised at the evacuation as ourselves. Corinth has been searched in vain for a spiked or disabled gun. Shame on us, what a clean piece of evacuation it was!

Never shall I forget the pertinacity with which that long lean line of Confederate pickets, backed, perchance, by some five thousand muskets and a few six-pounders, disputed every inch of our advance, while the vast, imposing host behind them — leaders, stores, cannon, commissaries, knapsacks, shoe strings, toothpicks, and all-quietly and leisurely flowed away from its intrenchments. I haven't seen the telegram that the Censor sent you. Surely it concluded with the stereotyped encouragement: “Our cavalry in hot pursuit of the flying enemy.” At this writing there are no results from the “ pursuit.” I prophesied a fight at Corinth, and believed there would be down to the moment that I heard the magazines explode. Beauregard fooled me. I am not much ashamed at that. I am no strategist. I am no scout or spy, and employ none. It is my business to record the doings of the National rather than the Confederate army. General Beauregard fooled, hoodwinked, outwitted General Halleck. I am ashamed of that. I winced under it as much — as if General Beauregard had spit in General Halleck's face-oh! more, of course! I am speaking the unvarnished, the unpalatable truth. My eyes are writing what they saw, my ears what they have heard, my conscience what it believes. And to say the galling fact, there is nothing here but chagrin and shame, disappointment and disapprobation over these empty intrenchments, this bootlessa bloodless occupation of Corinth. Better for General Halleck that he had remained in St. Louis, or had never been born, than to have taken the field.

5 Major-General Franz Sigel has proved himself an excellent soldier; and if he had been untrammelled by those in power, or given a distinct command away from Fremont and other incapables, he would have made a great name for himself long ere this. He was born in Baden in 1824, and graduated with much honor in the military college of Carlsruhe; and, in 1847, was considered one of the ablest artillerists in Europe. When the revolution broke out in Germany, he threw up his command and joined the insurgents. At one time he was in command of the insurgent army, and successfully retreated with thirty thousand, despite all the traps and snares laid for him by an army of eighty thousand. His generalship drew forth praise from some of the best soldiers in Europe. When the rebellion was crushed, Sigel emigrated to America, and settled in St. Louis, marrying the daughter of a gentleman in whose academy he taught. When the present war broke out, he received command of the Second Missouri Volunteers, and was soon appointed Brigadier. He served with distinction under Lyon, Fremont, and Curtis. He was removed from Missouri, and appointed to command the Twelfth Army Corps under Pope, in Virginia, and has greatly distinguished himself. Although much sneered at by those in the Federal Army, and subjected on all occasions to many slights and annoyances, Sigel is a much better General than many who have been his superiors in command, and could do more with a division than half-a-dozen such men as General Pope.

6 Even in this struggle, and toward the Border States, Southern leaders have shown no desire to act aggressively. The following was General Lee's address to the people of Maryland on entering their territory:

Headquarters, Army of Northern Virginia, Near Frederick, Monday, Sept. 8th, 1862.
to the people of Maryland.
It is right that you should know the purpose that has brought the army under my command within the limits of your State, so far as that purpose concerns yourselves. The people of the Confederate States have long watched with the deepest sympathy the wrongs and outrages that have been inflicted upon the citizens of a commonwealth allied to the States of the South by the strongest social, political, and commercial ties, and reduced to the condition of a conquered province. Under the pretence of supporting the Constitution, but in violation of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have been arrested and imprisoned, upon no charge, and contrary to all the forms of law. A faithful and manly protest against this outrage, made by an illustrious Marylander, to whom, in better days, no citizen appealed for right in vain, was treated with contempt and scorn. The Government of your chief city has been usurped by armed strangers; your Legislature has been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its members; freedom of speech and of the press has been suppressed; words have been declared offences by an arbitrary decree of the Federal Executive, and citizens ordered to be tried by military commissions for what they may dare to speak.

Believing that the people of Maryland possess a spirit too lofty to submit to such a Government, the people of the South have long wished to aid you in throwing off this foreign yoke, to enable you again to enjoy the inalienable rights of freemen, and restore the independence and sovereignty of your State. In obedience to this wish, our army has come among you, and is prepared to assist you with the power of its arms in regaining the rights of which you have been so unjustly despoiled. This, citizens of Maryland, is our mission, so far as you are concerned. No restraint upon your free will is intended; no intimidation will be allowed within the limits of this army, at least. Marylanders shall once more enjoy their ancient freedom of thought and speech. We know no enemies among you, and will protect all of you, in every opinion. It is for you to decide your destiny, freely and without constraint. This army will respect your choice, whatever it may be; and while the Southern people will rejoice to welcome you to your natural position among them, they will only welcome you when you come of your own free will.

R. E. Lee, General Commanding.

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