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Chapter 18: the Capital secured.--Maryland secessionists Subdued.--contributions by the people.

It has been observed that the Seventh Regiment of New York left that city for Washington on the memorable 19th of April. It was the favorite military corps of the metropolis, and was composed mostly of young men, a large majority of them connected with families of the higher social positions. It was known that they were to leave in the afternoon, and all New York appeared to turn out to see them depart, and bid them God speed.

The regiment was formed on Lafayette Place, where an immense National flag was waving over the Astor Library. Just as it was about to march, it received intelligence of the attack on the Massachusetts Sixth, in the streets of Baltimore. Forty-eight rounds of ball-cartridges were served out to each man, and then they moved through Fourth Street into Broadway, and down that great thoroughfare to Courtlandt Street and the Jersey City Ferry. The side-walks all the way were densely packed with men, women, and children. Banners were streaming everywhere.

Banners from balcony, banners from steeple,
Banners from house to house, draping the people;
Banners upborne by all-men, women, and children,
Banners on horses' fronts, flashing, bewild'ring!

The shipping at the ferry was brilliant with flags. Already the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, Colonel Timothy Monroe,1 accompanied by General Benjamin F. Butler, one of the most remarkable men of our time, had passed through the vast throng that was waiting for the New York Seventh, and being greeted with hearty huzzas and the gift of scores of little banners by the people. At sunset all had gone over the Hudson — the New York Seventh and Massachusetts Eighth--and crossed New Jersey by railway to the banks of the Delaware. It had been a

Private of the Seventh Regiment..

day of fearful excitement in New York, and the night was one of more fearful anxiety. Slumber was wooed in vain by hundreds, for they knew that [434] their loved ones, now that blood had been spilt, were hurrying on toward great peril. Regiment after regiment followed the Seventh in quick succession,2 and within ten days from the time of its departure, full ten thousand men of the city of New York were on the march toward the Capital.3

The Massachusetts regiment had been joined at Springfield by a company under Captain H. S. Briggs, and now numbered a little over seven hundred men. It reached Philadelphia several hours before the New York Seventh arrived there, and was bountifully entertained at the Girard House by the generous citizens. There Butler first heard of the attack on the Sixth, in Baltimore. His orders commanded him to march through that city. It was now impossible to do so with less than ten thousand armed men. He counseled with Major-General Robert Patterson, who had just been appointed commander of the “Department of Washington,” which embraced the States of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, and the District of Columbia, and whose Headquarters were at Philadelphia. Commodore Dupont, commandant of the Navy Yard there, was also consulted, and it was agreed that the troops should go by water from Perryville, at the mouth of the Susquehanna River, to Annapolis, and thence across Maryland to Washington City. Butler was ordered to take that route, seize and hold Annapolis and Annapolis Junction, and open and thoroughly guard a military pathway to the Capital.4 [435]

Late in the evening General Butler summoned all of his officers, thirteen in number, to his room. It was a singular council of war. On his table lay thirteen revolvers. “I propose,” said the General, substantially, “to join with Colonel Lefferts, of the Seventh Regiment of New York, sail for Annapolis from Havre de Grace, arrive there to-morrow afternoon at four o'clock, occupy the capital of Maryland, and call the State to account for the death of Massachusetts men, my friends and neighbors. If Colonel Lefferts thinks it best not to go, I propose to take this regiment alone.” Then, taking up one of the revolvers, he said: “I am ready to take the responsibility. Every officer willing to accompany me will please take a pistol.” Not one hesitated; and then the General sketched a plan of his proposed operations, to be sent to Governor Andrew after his departure. He proposed to hold Annapolis as a means of communication, and, by a forced march with a part of his command, reach the Capital in accordance with his orders. He telegraphed to the Governor to send the Boston Light Battery to Annapolis to assist in the march on Washington.5

Colonel Lefferts did not feel at liberty to accept General Butler's proposition, and the latter made preparations to go on with the Massachusetts troops alone. The President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railway Company placed their great steam ferry-boat Maryland, at Perryville, at his disposal; and two companies were ordered to go forward early in the morning and take possession of it. Word came meanwhile that the insurgents had already seized and barricaded it, and Butler resolved to push on with his whole force and capture it. “If I succeed,” he wrote to Governor Andrew, “success will justify me. If I fail, purity of intention will excuse want of judgment, or rashness.” 6

Butler left Philadelphia at eleven o'clock in the morning,

April 20, 1861.
and when near the Susquehanna his troops were ordered from the cars, placed in battle order, and marched toward the ferry, in expectation of a fight. Rumor had been untrue. There were no insurgents in arms at Perryville or Havre de Grace; and there lay the powerful ferry-boat in the quiet possession of her regular crew. The troops were soon embarked, and at six o'clock in the evening the huge vessel — with a captain who seemed to need watching by the vigilant and loyal eyes of the soldiers, lest he should run them into Baltimore or aground — went out toward Chesapeake Bay. Making good time, she was off the old capital of Maryland at a little past midnight, when, to Butler's surprise, Annapolis and the Naval Academy were lighted up, and the people were all astir. The town and the Academy were in possession of the secessionists. They were expecting some insurgents from Baltimore, and they intended, with united force, to seize the venerable frigate Constitution, then moored there as a school-ship, and add her to the “Confederate navy.” For four days and nights her gallant commander, [436] Captain Blake, Superintendent of the Academy, had kept her guns double-shotted, expecting an attack every moment.

The arrival of the Massachusetts troops was just in time to save the Constitution. Communication was speedily opened between General Butler and Captain Blake, and a hundred of the troops, who were seamen at home, with the Salem Zouaves as a guard, were detailed to assist in getting the Constitution from the wharf, and putting her out beyond the bar in a place of safety. With the help of the Maryland, acting as a tug, this was accomplished. That venerable vessel, in which Hull, and Bainbridge, and Stewart had won immortal honors in the Second War for Independence, was built in Boston, and was first manned by Massachusetts men; now she was preserved to the uses of the Government, for whose sovereignty she had gallantly fought, by the hands of Massachusetts men. “This,” said General Butler, in an order thanking the troops for the service, “is a sufficient triumph of right; a sufficient triumph for us. By this the blood of our friends, shed by the Baltimore mob, is so far avenged.” We will add, that the Constitution was soon afterward taken to New York; and when the naval school was removed to Newport, Rhode Island, she became a school-ship there.

In assisting to get out the Constitution, the Maryland grounded on a sand-bank. The suspected captain was confined, and the vessel was put under the management of seamen and engineers from among the Massachusetts troops.7 There she lay helpless all that day and the next night, to the great discomfort of her passengers. Her water-casks were nearly emptied, and their provisions were almost exhausted. In the mean time Governor Hicks, who was in Annapolis, and still under the malign control of the secessionists, was urging Butler not to land “Northern troops.” “The excitement here is very great,” he said; “and I think that you had better take your men elsewhere.” Butler, in reply, spoke of his necessities and his orders, and took the occasion to correct the Governor's sectional phraseology by saying of his force: “They are not ‘Northern troops;’ they are a part of the whole militia of the United States, obeying the call of the President.” This was the root of the matter. Therein was the grand idea of nationality as opposed to State Supremacy, in which the General acted throughout with the clearest advantage.

Butler now went ashore, and had a personal conference with the Governor and the Mayor of Annapolis. “All Maryland,” they said, “is at the point of rushing to arms. The railway is broken up, and its line guarded by armed men. It will be a fearful thing for you to land and attempt to march on Washington.” --“I must land,” said the General, “for my troops are hungry.” --“No one in Annapolis will sell them any thing,” replied these authorities of the State and city. Butler intimated that armed men were not always limited to the necessity of purchasing food when famishing; and he gave both magistrates to understand that the orders and demands of his Government were imperative, and that he should land and march on the Capital as speedily as possible, in spite of all opposition. At the same time [437] he assured them that peaceable citizens should not be molested, and that the laws of the State should be respected. And more. He was ready to co-operate with the local authorities in suppressing a slave insurrection, or any other resistance to law. The Governor contented himself with simply protesting against the landing of troops as unwise, and begged the General not to halt them in Annapolis.

All the night of the 21st, the Maryland lay aground, and immovable by wind or tide. At dawn on the 22d, another steamer appeared approaching. It was the Boston, bearing the New York Seventh Regiment. Colonel Lefferts had become convinced that he could not pass through Baltimore, so he chartered this steamer at Philadelphia with the intention of going to Washington by way of the Potomac. They embarked at four o'clock in the afternoon.

April 20, 1861.
Only a few officers were intrusted with the secret; the men had no knowledge of their route. Quietly they passed down the Delaware to the ocean, on a beautiful April evening, and entered the waters of Virginia between its great Capes, Charles and Henry.

Marshall Lefferts.

Informed of batteries near Alexandria, and finding no armed vessel to convoy the Boston, Colonel Lefferts deemed it prudent to follow General Butler to Annapolis; so they went up the Chesapeake, and came in sight of the grounded Maryland at dawn. The Seventh cheered the old flag seen at her fore, and the two regiments soon exchanged greetings.

The Boston now attempted to get the Maryland from the ground. For many hours both regiments worked faithfully, but in vain. The Massachusetts

Landing at the Naval Academy8 grounds.

troops were without a drop of liquid of any kind to drink for twelve hours, and were suffering intensely. Finally it was agreed that the Boston should land the Seventh at the Naval Academy's wharf, and then take the Eighth from the Maryland and put them ashore at the same place. This was done, [438] and in the course of the afternoon both regiments were landed and quartered in the buildings of the Academy (the National property), when the members of the Seventh hastened to share their rations with their famished friends. The threat of the secessionists, that if Butler should land with the intention of passing over the railway to Washington, the track should be destroyed, was carried out. The rails were removed and hidden, and locomotives were taken in pieces and concealed.

Terrible stories of the gathering of insurgents at Annapolis Junction, and other places on the route to Washington, now came to the ears of General Butler and Colonel Lefferts. The former did not believe half that was told him. He had positive information that the secessionists had torn up much of the railway between Annapolis and the Junction, and carried off the materials, and that bitterness of spirit prevailed everywhere; yet he resolved to move forward at once and rebuild the road, for over it supplies, and also other troops, must follow him. He again invited Colonel Lefferts to join him. At first that prudent commander declined, thinking it best to wait for reenforcements.9 He changed his mind, and early the next morning the two regiments joined hands in vigorous preparations for that strange, eventful march on the Capital, which has no parallel in history.

In the mean time, two companies of the Massachusetts troops had seized the railway station, and there found a locomotive engine disabled and concealed. “Does any one know any thing about this machine?” inquired General Butler. “Our shop made that engine, General,” said Charles Homans, of the Beverly Light Guard, as he looked sharply at it. “I guess I can put her in order and run her.” --“Do it,” said the General; and it was soon done, for that regiment was full of engineers, workers in metal, and mechanics of all kinds. It seemed like a providential organization, made expressly, with its peculiar leader, for the work in hand. Such impediments of civil authority, hostile feeling, armed resistance, and destructive malignity, would have appalled almost any other man and body of men; but Butler generally exhibited an illustration of the truth of the saying, “Where there's a will there's a way,” and the Massachusetts Eighth was an embodiment of the axiom. The engine was speedily repaired; the rails hidden, some in thickets, and some in the bottom of streams, were hunted up, and on the evening of the 23d, the troops were nearly ready for a forward movement, when General Butler formally took military possession of the Annapolis and Elkridge Railway. Governor Hicks protested against such occupation, on the ground that it would prevent the assembling of the Legislature, called to meet at Annapolis on the 26th. General Butler reminded the Governor that his Excellency had given as a reason why the troops should not land, that they could not pass over the road because “the Company had taken up the rails, and they were private property. It is difficult to see,” said the General, “how it can be, that if my troops could not pass over the railroad one way, the members of the Legislature could pass the other way.” 10 He told the Governor that he was there to maintain the laws, and, if possible, protect the road from destruction by a mob. “I am endeavoring,” he said, “to save and [439] not to destroy; to obtain means of transportation, so that I can vacate the capital prior to the sitting of the Legislature, and not be under the necessity of encumbering your beautiful city while the Legislature is in session.” This logic and this irony were unanswerable, and the General was never again troubled with the protests of the Maryland Executive.

On the morning of the 24th, the combined regiments moved forward at the rate of about a mile an hour, laying the track anew and building bridges. Skirmishers went ahead and scouts on the flanks. The main column was led by a working party on the road, behind which followed a car with a howitzer loaded with grape-shot, in charge of Lieutenant Bunting. It was a hot April morning, and the men suffered much from heat and fatigue. They had a stretch of twenty-one miles to go over between Annapolis and the Junction. A shower in the afternoon, and balmy air and bright moonlight in the evening, with the freshness of early spring, gave them pleasure in the midst of their toil. All night long they moved forward, keeping very vigilant eyes upon the surrounding country, but falling in with none of those terrible Marylanders which the Governor and the Mayor of Annapolis had predicted would be upon them. These braves seemed to have a wholesome fear of the “Yankees,” and made their observations, if at all, at a safe distance. The country appeared to be depopulated. The inhabitants had fled or hidden, with the evident expectation of an invasion by almost savage men. “I know not,” said a member of the Seventh,11 “if I can describe that night-march. I have a dim recollection of deep cuts through which we passed, gloomy and treacherous-looking, with the moon shining full on our muskets, while the banks were wrapped in shade, each moment expecting to see the flash and hear the crack of the rifle of the Southern guerrillas. . . . On all sides dark and lonely pine woods stretched away, and, as the night wore on, the monotony of the march became oppressive.”

The troops reached Annapolis Junction on the morning of the 25th, when the co-operation of the two regiments ceased, the Seventh New York going on to Washington, and the Eighth Massachusetts remaining to hold the road they had just opened. Before their departure from Annapolis, the Baltic, a large steam-ship transport, had arrived there with troops, and others speedily followed. General Scott ordered General Butler to remain there, hold the

Annapolis Junction in 1861.

town and the road, and superintend the forwarding of troops to the Capital. The “Department of Annapolis,” which embraced the country twenty miles on each side of the railway, as far as Bladensburg, was created, and General Butler was placed in [440] command of it, with ample discretionary powers to make him a sort of military dictator. This power, as we shall observe presently, he used with great efficiency.

The railway from Annapolis Junction to Washington was uninjured and unobstructed, and the Seventh Regiment reached the Capital early in the afternoon of the 25th, where they were heartily welcomed by the loyal people. They were the first troops that arrived at the seat of Government after the sad tragedy in Baltimore six days befere,

April 19, 1861.
and they were hailed as the harbingers of positive safety for the Capital. Although they were wearied and footsore, they marched up Pennsylvania Avenue with the firm and united step which always characterized their parade marches in Broadway, and halted only when they arrived at the front of the “White House,” whither they went to pay homage to the President, whom they had come to protect and support. Their discipline and fine appearance were a marvel, and loyal crowds followed them to the President's house, and filled the air with vociferous cheering.12 Then they marched to the Capitol, and made their quarters there; and that night the anxious loyal citizens of Washington went to rest with a sense of positive security. That security was well assured the next day, when the Seventh, Twelfth, and Seventy-first New York Volunteer Regiments arrived, and reported the Fifth, Eighth, and Sixty-ninth at Annapolis.

Baltimore, in the mean time, had become firmly grasped by the secessionists; and the authorities there, civil and military, had prepared to dispute the passage of any more loyal troops through their city. Armed men flocked into the, town from the country, with all sorts of weapons, scarcely knowing for what purpose; while the secessionists in the city were organized for treasonable work under Colonel J. R. Trimble and others.

Winans's steam-gun.

On Sunday, the 21st, cannon were exercised openly in the streets. A remarkable piece of ordnance, called a steam-gun, invented by Charles S. Dickinson, and manufactured by Ross Winans, a wealthy iron-worker of Baltimore, was purchased by the city authorities at the price of twenty-five hundred dollars. Much was expected of this invention, for it was claimed that it could throw two hundred balls a minute a distance of two miles. It was supposed to be ball-proof, and admirably adapted to the purposes of city defense.13 Marshal Kane, under the direction of a city ordinance, passed [441] by the Common Council, ordered the National flag to be humbled for thirty days, by forbidding its display during that time, under the pretense that it would cause “a disturbance of the public peace.” The old flag suddenly disappeared, and on the day when the order went forth, only a single banner was seen in the harbor of Baltimore, and that was a secession ensign floating over the steamer Logan. For a few days, it seemed as if all patriotism, all national feeling had suddenly died out in Maryland, and the exasperation felt toward the city of Baltimore in the Free-labor States was intense and universal. The stand taken by its authorities was perilous to its very existence. That action was considered a national insult; and, so long as that gate stood barred across the great highway to the Capital against the passage of troops summoned for its protection, the nation was dishonored. The people could hardly be restrained from banding in thousands and tens of thousands, for the purpose of opening that way. “Turn upon it the guns of Fort McHenry!” cried one.--“Lay it in ashes!” cried another.--“Fifty thousand men may be raised in an hour,” exclaimed a third, “to march through Baltimore.”

Bow down in haste thy guilty head!
God's wrath is swift and sore:
The sky with gathering bolts is red--
Cleanse from thy skirts the slaughter shed,
Or make thyself an ashen bed,
O Baltimore!

wrote Bayard Taylor. And an active citizen of New York (George Law), in a letter to the President, in which he declared that the people of the Free-labor States demanded of the Government measures to open and establish lines of direct communication with the Capital, said: “Unless this is done, they will be compelled to take the matter into their own hands, let the consequences be what they may, and let them fall where they will.” The same sentiment animated the Government as soon as

Railway Battery.

it felt assured of its own safety by the presence of many troops, and measures were speedily adopted for taking military possession of Baltimore. Preparations were made to repair the burnt bridges between Havre [442] de Grace and Baltimore; and a singular railway battery was constructed in Philadelphia, to be used for the protection of the men engaged in the work. It was a car made of heavy boiler iron, musket-proof, with a 24-pound cannon mounted at one end, on a gun-carriage. This was to fire grape, canister, and chain shot, while a garrison of sixty men inside would have an opportunity to employ musketry, through holes pierced in the sides and ends for the purpose.

General Scott planned a grand campaign against Baltimore. “I suppose,” he said, in a letter to General Butler, General Patterson, and others,

April 29, 1861.
“that a column from this place [Washington] of three thousand men, another from York of three thousand men, a third from Perryville, or Elkton, by land or water, or both, of three thousand men, and a fourth from Annapolis, by water, of three thousand men, might suffice.” Twelve thousand men, it was thought, might be wanted for the enterprise. They were not in hand, for at least ten thousand troops were yet needed at the capital, to give it perfect security. The Lieutenant-General thought some time must elapse before the expedition could be under-taken against the rebellious city.

General Butler had other views. He had become satisfied that the secession element in Baltimore was numerically weak, and that the Union men, with a little help,. might easily reverse the order of things there. He hastened to Washington to consult with General Scott. He did not venture to express any dissent to the plans of the General-in-chief. He simply asked permission to take a regiment or two from Annapolis, march them to the Relay House, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway, nine miles from Baltimore, and hold it, so as to cut the secessionists off from facile communication with Harper's Ferry. It was granted. He then inquired, what were the powers of a General commanding a Department. “Absolute,” replied the Lieutenant-General; “he can do whatever he thinks best, unless restricted by specific orders or military law.” 14 Butler ascertained that Baltimore was within his Military Department, and, with a plan of bold operations teeming his brain, he returned to Annapolis.

At the close of April, General Butler had full ten thousand men under his command at Annapolis, and an equal number were guarding the seat of Government. Already the Unionists of Maryland were openly asserting their rights and showing their strength. An extraordinary session of the Legislature, called by Governor Hicks at Annapolis, was not held there, for obvious reasons, but was opened on the 27th,

at Frederick, about sixty miles north of Baltimore, and far away from National troops. In his message to that body, the Governor said it was his solemn conviction that the only safety for Maryland lay in its maintaining a neutral position in the controversy, that State having “violated no right of either section.” He said: “I cannot counsel Maryland to take sides against the General Government, until it shall commit outrages upon us which would justify us in resisting its authority. As a consequence, I can give no other counsel than that we shall array ourselves for Union and peace, and thus preserve our soil from being polluted with the blood of brethren. Thus, if war [443] must be between the North and the South, we may force the contending parties to transfer the field of battle from our soil, so that our lives and property may be secure.”

The secessionists in the Legislature, doubtful of gaining control of Maryland by constitutional means, if not made circumspect by a threat, said to have been made by General Butler, that he would arrest them all if they should pass an Ordinance of Secession, changed their tactics. They procured a vote against the secession of the State, and then. proceeded to appoint a State Board of Public Safety, which was invested with full powers to control the organization and direction of all the military forces in the commonwealth, and to “adopt measures for its safety, peace, and defense.” The members of the Board were all active secessionists, excepting Governor Hicks. They were not required to take the usual oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and were left free to act in accordance with their revolutionary proclivities. It was evident from the composition of the Board, and the character of the men who established it — men who openly advocated the secession of Maryland, and uniformly denounced the acts of the National Government as tyrannical — that it was to be used as a revolutionary machine, fraught with immense power to do mischief. The loyal people of the State, perceiving with amazement the practical patriotism of the inhabitants of the Free-labor States, and feeling the tread of tens of thousands of armed men hurrying across Maryland to the defense of the Government, recovered, in the presence of this new danger, from the paralysis produced by the terrible events of the 19th, and were aroused to action. A Home Guard of Unionists was formed in Frederick, under the direct observation of the disloyal Legislature. Similar action was taken in other parts of the State, especially in the more northern portion; and, on the evening of the 4th of May, an immense Union meeting was held in Baltimore, whereat the creation of the Board of Public Safety and other revolutionary acts of the Legislature were heartily condemned. On the same day, Otho Scott, Robert McLane, and W. J. Ross, a Committee of that Legislature, were in Washington, remonstrating with the President and Secretary of War against the military occupation, by National troops, of the capital of Maryland and of some of the railways of the State. They returned to their constituents “painfully confident,” they said, “that a war was to be waged to reduce all the seceding States to allegiance to the United States Government, and that the whole military power of the Federal Government would be exerted to accomplish that purpose.” 15

General Butler was aware of the latent force of the Unionism of Maryland, and of its' initial developments, and felt that it was time for him to move. He had proposed to himself to do at once, with a few men, what the Lieutenant-General, with more caution, had proposed to do at some indefinite time in the future, with twelve thousand men, namely, seize and hold the city of Baltimore. Accordingly, on Saturday afternoon, the 4th of May, while the Commissioners of the Maryland Legislature were protesting before the President against Butler's occupation of their political capital, he issued orders for the Eighth New York and Sixth Massachusetts regiments, with Major A. M. Cook's battery of the Boston Light Artillery, to be [444] ready to march at two o'clock the next morning. These troops were in Washington City. At dawn on the 5th, they left the Capital in thirty cars; and about two hours later they alighted at the Relay House, within nine miles of Baltimore, seized the railway station there, spread over the hills in scouting parties, and prepared to plant cannon so as to command the Washington Junction of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway at the great viaduct

The Relay House in 1864.

over the Patapsco Valley, and the roads leading to Baltimore and Harper's Ferry. General Butler accompanied the troops, and established a camp on the hills, a quarter of a mile from the Relay House, near the residences of P. O'Hern and J. H. Luckett. The writer visited this interesting spot late in 1864. Brigadier-General John R. Kenly, whose meritorious services in Baltimore will be noticed presently, was then in command there. On the bights back of the Relay House, near which General Butler encamped, was a regular earthwork, called Fort Dix, and a substantial block-house built of timber, which is seen in our little picture. It was a commanding position, overlooking the narrow valley of the Patapsco above the viaduct toward Ellicott's mills, up which passes the railway to Harper's Ferry, and the expanding valley and beautifully rolling country below the viaduct, wherein may be seen, nestling at the foot of hills, the ancient village of Elkridge Landing, to which, in former days, the Patapsco was navigable. Near here, on a range of lofty hills running northward

Great viaduct at the Washington Junction.

from Elkridge, are the residences of several gentlemen of wealth, among them J. H. B. Latrobe, a distinguished citizen of Maryland, whose house may be observed on the wooded hills seen beyond the viaduct in the little accompanying picture.

General Butler remained a little more than a week at the Relay House, preparing to carry out his plan for seizing Baltimore. Meanwhile General Patterson, anxious to vindicate the dignity and honor of his Government, [445] and to teach the secessionists of Maryland a practical lesson of its power, and compel them to submit to lawful authority, sent the. First Pennsylvania Volunteer Artillery (Seventeenth in the line) and Sherman's Battery, in all nine hundred and thirty men, under the command of his son, Francis E. Patterson, to force a passage through Baltimore. These troops left Philadelphia on the 8th of May, and on the following morning, accompanied by a portion of the Third Infantry Regiment of regulars from Texas, embarked on the steamers Fanny Cadwalader and Maryland, and went down Chesapeake Bay. The whole force under Colonel Patterson was about twelve hundred. They debarked at Locust Point, near Fort McHenry, under cover of the guns of the Harriet Lane and a small gunboat, at about four o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, in the presence of the Mayor of Baltimore, the Police Commissioners, and Marshal Kane and a considerable police force.16 A counter-revolution in public sentiment was then making the Unionists of Maryland happy. The presence of troops at the Relay House was promoting and stimulating the Union feeling amazingly, and these troops landed and passed through the city on their way toward Washington without molestation. The wharves were crowded with excited citizens when the debarkation took place, and hundreds of these gave the Pennsylvanians hearty shouts of welcome. These were the first of that immense army that streamed through Baltimore without hinderance, thousands after thousands, while the great war that ensued went on.

General Butler was visited at the Relay House by many Unionists from Baltimore, who gave him all desired information; and he received such communications from General Scott, on application, that he felt warranted in moving upon the town. He had informed Scott of the increasing power of the Unionists in Baltimore; reminded him that the city was in the Department of Annapolis; and expressed the belief that, with his force in hand at the Relay House, he could march through it. Colonel (afterward General) Schuyler Hamilton, who had accompanied the New York Seventh to Washington, was then on the staff of the General-in-chief. He had learned the metal of General Butler, and was not inclined to cast any obstacles in his way. The orders of General Scott, prepared by him, gave Butler permission to arrest secessionists in and out of Baltimore, prevent armed insurgents from going to join those already in force at Harper's Ferry, and to look after a large quantity of gunpowder said to be stored in a church in Baltimore for the use of the secessionists. To do this, Butler must use force; and as no word that came from the General-in-chief forbade his going into Baltimore with his troops, he prepared to do so. Already a party of the Sixth Massachusetts had performed good service, in connection with a company of the New York Eighth and two guns of the Boston Light Artillery, all under Major Cook, in capturing Winans's steam-gun at Ellicott's Mills,

May 10, 1861.
together with Dickinson,17 the inventor. Butler had promised Colonel Jones, of the Sixth, which had fought its way through Baltimore [446] on the 19th of April, that his regiment should again march through that city, and now it was invited to that duty.

Toward the evening of the 13th, the entire Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, and a part of the New York Eighth, with the Boston Light Artillerymen and two field-pieces — about one thousand men in all — and horses belonging to the General and his staff, were on a train of cars headed toward Harper's Ferry. Before this train was a short one, bearing fifty men, who were ordered up to Frederick to arrest Winans. When these trains moved up along the margin of the Patapsco Valley, a spy of the Baltimore conspirators started for that city with two fast trotting horses, to carry the important: information. The trains moved slowly for about two miles, and then backed as slowly to the Relay House, and past it, and at twilight had backed to the Camden Street Station in Baltimore. Intensely black clouds in the van of an approaching thunder-storm were brooding over the city, threatening a

Federal Hill in May, 1861.18

fierce tempest, and few persons were abroad, or aware of this portentous arrival. The Mayor was informed of it in the course of the evening, and at once wrote a note to General Butler, saying that the sudden arrival of a large body of troops would create much surprise, and he would like to know whether the General intended to remain at the station, that the police might be notified, and take proper precautions for preserving the peace. Butler and his troops had disappeared in the gloom when the messenger with this note arrived at the Station; but the inquiry was fully answered, to the astonishment of the whole city, loyal and disloyal, early the next morning, by a proclamation from the General in the columns of the faithful Clipper, dated “Federal Hill, Baltimore, May 14, 1861,” in which it was announced that a detachment under his command occupied the city, “for the purpose, among other things, of enforcing respect and obedience to the laws, as well of the [447] State, if requested thereto by the civil authorities, as of the United States laws, which are being violated within its limits by some malignant and traitorous men; and in order to testify the acceptance by the Federal Government of the fact, that the city and all the well-intentioned portion of its inhabitants are loyal to the Union and the Constitution, and are to be so regarded and treated by all.”

How came Butler and his men on Federal Hill? was a question upon thousands of lips on that eventful morning. They had moved stealthily from the station in the gloom, at half-past 7 in the evening, piloted by Colonel Robert Hare, of Ellicott's Mills, and Captain McConnell, through Lee, Hanover,, Montgomery, and Light Streets, to the foot of Federal Hill. The night was intensely dark, made so by the impending storm. The flashes of lightning and peals of thunder were terrific, but the rain was withheld until they had nearly reached their destination. Then it came like a flood, just as they commenced the ascent of the declivity. “The spectacle was grand,” said the General to the writer, while on the Ben Deford, lying off Fort Fisher one pleasant evening in December, 1864. “I was the first to reach the summit. The rain was falling in immense volumes, and the lightning flashes followed each other in rapid succession making the point of every bayonet in that slow-moving

Butler's Headquarters on Federal Hill.

column appear like a tongue of flame, and the burnished brass cannon like sheets of fire.”

Officers and men were tho roughly drenched, and on the summit of the, hill they found very little shelter. A house of refreshment, with a long upper and lower piazza, kept by a German, was taken possession of and made the General's Headquarters; and there, dripping with the rain, he sat down and wrote his proclamation, which appeared in the morning. His men had procured wood when the storm ceased, lighted fires, and were making themselves comfortable. At eight o'clock, long after his proclamation had been scattered over the town, he received the Mayor's message of the previous evening. Important events had transpired since it was written, twelve hours before. The Massachusetts Sixth had again marched through Baltimore, not, as before, the objects of assault by a brutal mob, but as a potential force, to hold that mob and also clothers in subserviency to law and order, and welcomed as deliverers by thousands of loyal citizens.

So confident was General Butler in the moral and physical strength of his position, and of the salutary influence of his proclamation, in which he promised security to the peaceful and true, punishment to the turbulent and false, and justice to all, that he rode through the city with his staff on the day after his arrival, dined leisurely at the Gillmore House, and had conferences with friends. In that proclamation he forbade transportation of sup plies to the insurgents; asked for commissary stores, at fair prices, to the amount of forty thousand rations, and also clothing; forbade all assemblages of irregular military organizations; directed State military officers to report [448] to him; offered aid to the corporate authorities of Baltimore, in the due administration of law; forbade the display of any secession flags or banners; and assured the people that he had such confidence in their loyalty that of the many thousands of troops which he might immediately concentrate there, he had come with scarcely more than a guard. He made some important seizures of materials of war intended for the insurgents;19 cast Ross Winans into Fort McHenry, in accordance with orders from Washington, and was preparing to try him by court-martial for his alleged crimes, when a letter, bearing a sting of reproof, came from General Scott, saying:--“Your hazardous occupation of Baltimore was made without my knowledge, and, of course, without my approbation. It is a God-send that it was without a conflict of arms. It is also reported that you have sent a detachment to Frederick, but this is impossible. Not a word have I heard from you as to either movement. Let me hear from you.”

The operations of a night with a thousand men and a ready pen had made a future campaign with twelve thousand men, which the General-in-chief had planned, unnecessary. The Lieutenant-General thought that the Brigadier had used too daringly the “absolute” power accorded to a “commander of a department,” unless “restricted by specific orders or military law,” and overlooking, for the moment, the immense advantages gained for the Government by such exercise of power, he insisted upon the recall of General Butler from Baltimore. It was done. Viewed in the light of to-day, that recall appears like an almost fatal mistake. “I always said,” wrote Mr. Cameron, then Secretary of War, from St. Petersburg, many

The Department of Annapolis.

months afterward, “that if you had been left in Baltimore, the rebellion would have been of short duration.” 20

There was no rebuke :in President Lincoln's recall of General Butler [449] from Baltimore, in compliance with the wishes of General Scott. On the contrary, it had the appearance of commendation, for he immediately offered him the commission of a Major-General of Volunteers, and the command of a much more extended military district, including Eastern Virginia and the two Carolinas, with his Headquarters at Fortress Monroe. He was succeeded in command at Baltimore by General Cadwalader, of Philadelphia, and the troops were temporarily withdrawn. Afterward the Fifth New York Regiment (Zouave), Colonel Abraham Duryee, occupied Federal Hill, and thereon built the strong earthwork known as Fort Federal Hill, whose cannon commanded both the town and Fort McHenry.

The 14th of May was a memorable one in the annals of Maryland, as the time when the tide of secession, which for weeks had been threatening to ingulf it in revolution, was absolutely checked, and the Unionists of the State were placed upon solid vantage-ground, from which they were never driven a line, but were strengthened every hour. On that day General Butler broke the power of the conspirators, by the military occupation of Baltimore and the promulgation of his proclamation, which disarmed treason. On that day the dangerously disloyal Legislature adjourned, and Governor Hicks, relieved of the pressure of rampant treachery around him, and assured by the Secretary of War that Maryland troops would not be ordered out of the State, issued a proclamation calling for the four regiments named in the Secretary's requisition for militia as the quota of that Commonwealth. Thenceforth the tongues of loyal Marylanders were unloosed, and treason became weaker every hour; and their State was soon numbered among the stanchest of loyal Commonwealths, outstripping in practical patriotism Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri. On that eventful 14th of May, the veteran Major W. W. Morris, in command at Fort McHenry. near Baltimore (which had lately been well garrisoned), first gave practical force to the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, which the exigency of the times seemed to give constitutional sanction for.21 A man claiming to be a soldier of the Maryland State Militia, was imprisoned in Fort McHenry. Judge Giles, of Baltimore, issued a writ of habeas corpus for his release, which Major Morris refused to obey. His letter to the Judge was a spirited protest against the treasonable practices around him, and seemed to be a full justification of his action. “At the date of issuing your writ,” he said, “and for two weeks previous, the city in which you live, and where your court has been held, was entirely under the control of revolutionary authorities. Within that period United States soldiers, while committing no offense, had been perfidiously attacked and inhumanly murdered in your streets;

April 19, 1861.
no punishment had been awarded, and, I believe, no arrests had been made for these atrocious crimes;22 supplies of provisions intended for this garrison had been stopped; the intention to capture [450] this fort had been boldly proclaimed; your most public thoroughfares were daily patrolled by large numbers of troops, armed and clothed, at least in part, with articles stolen from the United States; and the Federal flag, while waving over the Federal offices, was cut down by some person wearing the uniform of a Maryland soldier.23 To add to the foregoing, all assemblage elected in defiance of law, but claiming to be the legislative body of your State, and so recognized by the Executive of Maryland, was debating the Federal compact. If all this be not rebellion, I know not what to call it. I certainly regard it as sufficient legal cause for suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.” He added:--“If, in an experience of thirty-three years, you have never before known the writ to be disobeyed, it is only because such a contingency in political affairs as the present has never before arisen.”

Since the 19th of April, the Government had felt compelled to resort to extraordinary measures for its preservation, and much was done “without due form of law,” excepting what the exercise of the war powers of the President might justify. On the day after the massacre at Baltimore, the

View of Fort McHenry.

original dispatches in the telegraph offices in all the principal cities in the Free-labor States, received during a year previously, were, by order of the Government, issued on the 19th,
April, 1861.
seized by the United States Marshals at the same hour, namely, three o'clock in the afternoon. The object was, to obtain evidence of the complicity of politicians in those States with the conspirators. Every dispatch that seemed to indicate such complicity was sent to Washington, and the Government was furnished with such positive evidence of active sympathy with the insurgents that the offenders became exceedingly cautious and far less mischievous. At about the same time, the necessity for arresting and imprisoning seditious persons in the Free-labor States seemed clear to the apprehension of the Government, and such were made on simply the warrant of the Secretary of State. These offenders were confined in Fort McHenry, at Baltimore; Fort Lafayette, near New York, and Fort Warren, in Boston harbor. Writs of habeas [451] corpus were issued for their release. At first some of them were obeyed, but finally, by order of the Government, they were disregarded, and their issue ceased. The most notable of these cases, at the beginning, was that of John Merryman, a member of the Maryland Legislature, who was cast into Fort McHenry late in May. The Chief-Justice of the United States (R. B. Taney), residing in Baltimore, took action in the matter, but General Cadwalader, the commander of the department, refused to obey the mandates of this functionary, as well as that of the inferior judge, and the matter was dropped, excepting in the form of personal, newspaper, and legislative discussions of the subject, the chief questions at issue being, Which branch of the Government has the power to suspend the privilege of the writ? and Do circumstances warrant the exercise of that power? We will not discuss that question here. Many arrests were made; among them a large number of the members of the Maryland Legislature, the Mayors of Baltimore and Washington, Marshal Kane and the Police Commissioners of Baltimore, and a number of other prominent men throughout the country. Within the space of six months after the tragedy in Baltimore, no less than one hundred prisoners of state, to whom the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was denied, were confined in Fort Lafayette alone.

The Government not only resorted to these extreme measures, but made greater preparations for a conflict of arms, plainly perceiving that insurrection was rapidly assuming the proportions of formidable and extended rebellion. By a proclamation on the 27th of April, the blockade24 was extended to the ports of North Carolina and Virginia; and by another proclamation on the 3d of May, the President called into the service of the United States forty-two thousand volunteers for three years; ordered an increase of the regular Army of twenty-two thousand seven hundred and fourteen officers and enlisted men, for not less than one year nor more than three years; and for the enlistment of eighteen thousand seamen for the naval service. This was the first call for volunteers, the former requisition being for the militia of the several States,25 full one hundred and fifty thousand of whom were organized or were forming at the close of April. The response to this was equally if not more remarkable. The enthusiasm of the people was unbounded. Money and men were offered in greater abundance than the Government seemed to need. The voluntary contributions offered to the public treasury, and for the fitting out of troops and maintaining their families, by individuals, associations, and corporations, amounted, at the beginning of May, to full forty millions of dollars!

Six weeks earlier than this, that sagacious Frenchman, Count Agenor de Gasparin, one of the few foreigners who seemed to comprehend the American people, and the nature and significance of the impending struggle, wrote, almost prophetically, saying:--“At the present hour, the Democracy of the South is about to degenerate into demagogism. But the North presents quite a different spectacle. Mark what is passing there; pierce beneath ap. pearances, beneath the inevitable wavering of a debut, so well prepared for [452] by the preceding Administration, and you will find the firm resolution of a people uprising. Who speaks of the end of the United States? This end seemed approaching but lately, in the hour of prosperity; then, honor was compromised, esteem for the country was lowered, institutions were becoming corrupted apace; the moment seemed approaching when the confederation, tainted with Slavery, could not but perish with it. Now, every thing has changed in aspect. The friends of America should take confidence, for its greatness is inseparable, thank God! from the cause of justice. Justice can not do wrong. I like to recall this maxim, when I consider the present state of America.” 26

At the middle of May, Washington City was safe, for thousands of well-armed loyal men were within its borders. Troops were quartered in the immense Patent Office building. The Capitol was a vast citadel Its legislative halls, its rotunda, and other rooms were filled with soldiery, and its basement galleries were converted into store-rooms for barrels of beef, pork, and other materials for army rations in great abundance. Under the direction of Lieutenant T. J. Cate, of the Massachusetts Sixth, the vaults under the broad terrace on the western front of the Capitol were converted into bakeries, where sixteen thousand loaves of bread were bake d every day. The chimneys of the ovens pierced the terrace at the junction of the freestone pavement and the grassy slope of the glacis, as seen in the picture; and there for months,

Government bakeries at the Capitol.

smoke poured forth in dense black columns like the issues of a smoldering volcano Before the summer had begun Washington City was an immense garrisoned town, and strong fortifications [453] were rapidly growing upon the hills around it. And yet the conspirators still dreamed of possessing it. Two days after their Convention at Montgomery adjourned to meet in Richmond on the 20th of July, Alexander H. Stephens, in a speech at Atlanta,
May 23, 1861.
in Georgia, after referring to the occupation of the National edifices at Washington by the soldiery, said:--“Their filthy spoliation of the public buildings and the works of art at the Capitol, and their preparations to destroy them, are strong evidences to my mind that they do not intend to hold or defend that place, but to abandon it, after having despoiled and laid it in ruins. Let them destroy it, savage-like, if they will. We will rebuild it. We will make the structures more glorious. Phenix-like, new and more substantial structures will rise from its ashes. Planted anew, under the auspices of our superior institutions, it will live and flourish throughout all ages.”

At the beginning of May, by fraud, by violence, and by treachery, the conspirators and their friends had robbed the Government to the amount of forty millions of dollars; put about forty thousand armed men in the field, twenty-five thousand of whom were at that period concentrating in Virginia; sent emissaries abroad, with the name of Commissioners, to seek recognition and aid from foreign powers; commissioned numerous pirates to prey upon the commerce of the United States; extinguished the lights of light-houses and beacons along the coasts of the Slave-labor States, from Hampton Roads to the Rio Grande,27 and enlisted actively in their revolutionary schemes the Governors of thirteen States, and large numbers of leading politicians in other States. Insurrection had become rebellion; and the loyal people of the country, and the National Government, beginning to comprehend the magnitude and potency of the movement, accepted it as such, and addressed themselves earnestly to the task of its suppression.

Tail-piece — Light extinguished.

1 See pages 401 and 402.

2 “The enthusiasm of the people — of the young men in particular — was wonderful. Sometimes several brothers would enlist at the same time. The spirit of our women, who were animated by the same patriotic feelings, is well illustrated by a letter written by a New York mother of five sons who enlisted, to her husband. She was absent from home at the time. ‘ Your letter,’ she said, ‘ came to hand last evening. I must confess I was startled by the news referring to our boys, and, for the moment, I felt as if a ball had pierced my own heart. For the first time I was obliged to look things full in the face. But although I have always loved my children with a love that none but a mother can know, yet, when I look upon the state of my country, I can not withhold them; and in the name of their God, and their mother's God, and their country's God, I bid them go. If I had. ten sons instead of five, I would give them all sooner than have our country rent in fragments. . . . I hope you will provide them each with a Bible, and give them their mother's love and blessing, and tell them our prayers — will accompany them, and ascend on their behalf, night and day.’ ” --The History of the Civil War in America: by J. S. C. Abbott, i. 108.

In contrast with this was the letter of a Baltimore mother to her loyal son, a clergyman in Boston, who, on, the Sunday after the attack on Fort Sumter, preached a patriotic discourse to his people. The letter was as follows:--

Baltimore, April 17, 1861.
my dear son:--Your remarks last Sabbath were telegraphed to Baltimore, and published in an extra. Has God sent you to preach the sword, or to preach Christ?

your Mother.

The son replied:--

Boston, April 22, 1861.
dear Mother:--“God has sent” me not only to “preach” the sword, but to use it. When this Government tumbles, look amongst the ruins for

your Star-Spangled banner son.

3 John Sherman, now (1865) United States Senator from Ohio, was then an aid-de-camp of General Patterson. He was sent by that officer to lay before General Scott the advantages of the Annapolis route, suggested by General Patterson. The route was approved of by the Lieutenant-General. See A Narrative of the Campaign in the Valley of the Shenandoah: by Robert Patterson, late Major-General of Volunteers.

4 In the midst of the wild tumult, caused by the call to arms — the braying of trumpets and the roll of drums — the representatives of a sect of exemplary Christians, who had ever borne testimony against the practices of war, met in the City of New York (April 23), and reiterated that testimony. That sect was the Society of Friends, or Quakers. They put forth an Address to their brethren, counseling them to beware of the temptations of the hour, and to pray for divine blessings on their country. They were a loyal “Peace party” for conscience‘ sake. “We love our country,” they said, “and acknowledge, with gratitude to our Heavenly Father, the many blessings we have been favored with under its Government, and can feel no sympathy with any who seek its overthrow; but, in endeavoring to uphold and maintain it, as followers of the Prince of Peace, we must not transgress the precepts and injunction of the Gospel.” --Address to the Members of the Religious Society of Friends within the limits of the New York Yearly Meeting. Signed, “William Wood, Clerk.” Similar testimony was borne by the Quakers elsewhere; yet the homily was practically unheeded by a large number of the younger members, who, with many of their seniors, held that the war was an exceptional one--a holy war of Righteousness against Sin. They were, as a body of Christians, universally loyal to the flag, even in North Carolina; and while they avoided, as far as possible, the practices of war, which their conscience and Discipline condemned, they aided the Government in every other way, such as services in hospitals, and other employments in which non-combatants might engage. A large number of their young men, however, bore arms in the field, and acted in compliance with the spirit of the alleged injunction of the Philadelphia mother:--“Let thy musket not hold a silent meeting before the enemy.”

5 General Butler in New Orleans, &c.: by James Parton, page 71.

6 Report of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, December 31, 1861, page 22.

7 The composition of this regiment was very remarkable. It contained men skilled in almost every trade and profession; and Major Winthrop, who went out with the New York Seventh Regiment, was nearly right when he said, that if the words were given, “Poets, to the front I” or “Painters, present arms I” or “Sculptors, charge bayonets I” there would be ample responses.

8 in this view the buildings of the United States Naval Academy are seen.

9 Letter of Colonel Lefferts to General Butler, Monday night, April 22, 1861.

10 Correspondence between General Butler and Governor Hicks, April 28, 1861.

11 Fitz James O'Brien, a young and brilliant Writer, who afterward gave his life to the cause.

12 This is the almost universal testimony. There is one dissenting voice. In a letter to the author, dated “Arlington House, May 1, 1861,” the writer says:--“I was in Washington the day the Seventh Regiment arrived, the one most entitled perhaps to a warm reception here, and their march through the city resembled a funeral procession. Not a single cheer was raised from even a small boy among the motley crowd that followed them, and the countenances of the citizens were dark and sad. I saw tears in the eyes of several. When the regiment reached the President's house, there was some cheering from men hired for the purpose, I am told. These are plain facts and speak for themselves.”

13 This gun was protected by a ball-proof cone of iron, and, with its motive-power apparatus, mounted on four wheels, so as to be quickly moved from place to place. It could be made to project missiles of any size, from a bullet to a 100-pound cannon-ball. It was believed that one of these, of musket-ball caliber, would be terribly destructive in front of an army, mowing down regiments like grass. It was specially recommended for sea-fights. Its efficiency was never tested. It was captured from the insurgents in less than a month after the city of Baltimore purchased it, by Colonel Jones, of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, when on its way to the insurgent camp at Harper's Ferry, and was placed in position to guard the viaduct over the Patuxent of the Washington Branch of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway.

14 Parton.

15 Report of the Commissioners, May 6, 1861.

16 It is related that when the troops landed, Marshal Kane, with a false pretense of loyalty, approached Major Sherman of the battery, and said: “Can I be of any assistance to you, Major?” --“Who are you, Sir?” inquired Sherman.--“I am Marshal of the Police of Baltimore,” he replied, “and would render any assistance.” --“O, yes,” Sherman replied, “we have heard of you in the region from whence we came; we have no need of you. We can help ourselves.” The Marshal retired, with all his force, an object of supreme contempt.

17 See page 440. Winans was an aged man, a thorough secessionist, and worth, it was estimated, about fifteen millions of dollars. It was reported that he contributed largely in aid of the revolutionists; and that, among other things for their use, he manufactured five thousand pikes in his iron-works. He was arrested on a charge of treason, but the lenient Government released him.

18 this is a view of Federal Hill before General Butler occupied it. It was so named, because, upon its summit, there was a grand celebration in honor of the final ratification of the “Federal” or National Constitution, in 1788. it overlooks the harbor; and upon it was a telegraphic station, the old-fashioned semaphorie apparatus being used. It is seen toward the left of the picture.

19 General Butler ascertained that a large quantity of arms, in charge of the city authorities, were stored in a warehouse on the corner of Gay and Second Streets, and he sent Colonel Hare, with thirty-five soldiers, to demand their surrender into his custody. This force reached the warehouse at about four o'clock in the afternoon, where three policemen were found in charge. Hare demanded the surrender of the building and its contents, in the name of the National Government. The policemen refused compliance, until they should receive orders to that effect from Marshal Kane, to whom word was immediately sent. A large crowd rapidly collected at the spot, but were quiet. Kane soon appeared, with a deputy marshal and several policemen, when Hare, in the name of General Butler, repeated the demand for a surrender. Kane replied that he could not do so without the sanction of the Police Commissioners. In the mean time, Commissioner J. W. Davis had arrived, and, after consultation, he hastened to the office of the Board of Police, when that body determined to surrender the arms under protest, and they did so. The doors of the warehouse were then opened, and thirty-five drays and furniture wagons were employed in carrying away the arms. They were in boxes, ready for shipment to the insurgents in Virginia or elsewhere, and consisted of two thousand two hundred muskets, and four thousand and twenty pikes or spears, manufactured by Winans. While the vehicles were a loading, the crowd, which had become large, were somewhat agitated by persons who desired a collision, but there was very little disturbance of any kind. The arms were taken to Federal Hill, and from there to Fort McHenry.

20 Parton's General Butler at New Orleans, page 117.

21 The second clause of the ninth section of the first Article of the National Constitution says:--“The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.”

22 In the Maryland Legislature, S. T. Wallis moved--“That the measures adopted and conduct pursued by the authorities of the City of Baltimore, on Friday, the 19th of April, and since that time, be, and the same are hereby, made valid by the General Assembly.” This would cover the conspirators and their tools, the mob, from punishment. In furtherance of this project for shielding the guilty, T. Parkins Scott proposed, in the same body, a bill to suspend the operations of the; criminal laws, and that the Grand Jury should be stopped from finding indictments against any of the offenders.--Baltimore Clipper, June 28, 1861.

23 This was also done on Federal Hill, a few days before the arrival of General Butler, by order of Marshal Kane. A bold Union boy, standing near when the work was accomplished, exclaimed:--“Why don't you try your hand on that flag?” pointing to the one floating over Fort McHenry. The boy saved himself from punishment by the secessionists by superior fleetness of foot.

24 See page 872.

25 The Act of 1795, under the authority of which the President called for seventy-five thousand militia, restricted their service to three months. See notes 2 and 3, page 836.

26 The Uprising of a Great People: by Count Agenor de Gasparin. Translated by Mary L. Booth. These sentences were written in March, 1861, just after President Lincoln's Inaugural Address reached Europe, and when the legislative proceedings a nd public meetings in the Free-labor States were just made known there, and gave assurance that the great body of the Nation was loyal and would sustain the incoming Administration. Speaking of the departure of Mr. Lincoln for Washington, and the farewell to his friends and neighbors, mentioned on page 275, the Count exclaims: “What a debut for a Government! Haven there been many inauguration s here below of such thrilling solemnity? Do uniforms and plumes, the roar of cannon, triumphal arches, and vague appeals to Providence, equal these simple words, ‘Pray for me!’ ‘We will pray for you.’ Ah! courage, Lincoln! the friends of freedom and of America are with you. Courage! you hold in your hands the destinies of a great principle and of a great people. Courage! you have to resist your friends and to face your foes; it is the fate of all who seek to do good on the earth. Courage! you will have need of it to-morrow, in a year. to the end; you will have need of it in peace and in war; you will have need of it to avert the compromise, in peace or war, of that noble progress which it is your charge to accomplish, more than in conquests of Slavery,! Courage! your role, as you have said, may be inferior to no other, not even to that of Washington: to raise up the United States will not be less glorious than to have founded them.”

27 The light-houses and beacons seized, and lights extinguished, commencing with that on Cape Henry, in Virginia, and ending with Point Isabel, in Texas, numbered one hundred and thirty-one. Of these, thirteen were in Virginia, twenty-seven in North Carolina, fourteen in South Carolina, thirteen in Georgia, eighteen in Florida, eight in Alabama, twenty-four in Louisiana, and fourteen in Texas.

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