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| Charles Francis Adams. |
May 13, 1861. |
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He was directed to acknowledge the appreciation of the American people and Government of the late expressions of good — will by the Queen and her ministers ;1 at the same time, he was warned not to “rely upon any mere sympathies or national kindness,” 2 but to stand up manfully as the representative of his whole country, and that as a powerful nation, asking no favors of others.3 The high position taken by Mr. Seward, in the name of his Government, in that able letter of instructions to Mr. Adams, was doubtless one of the most efficient causes, together with the friendly attitude assumed by Russia toward the United States, of the fortunate delay of Great Britain in the matter of recognizing the independence of the Confederates, until the strength and resources of the Republic were made so manifest that common prudence
compelled all foreign powers unfriendly to that Republic to act with great circumspection.
But whilst it seemed inexpedient for the British crown to formally recognize the independence of the Confederates, the ministry, evidently sympathizing most thoroughly with the political objects of the conspirators, procured in their behalf the powerful assistance of a Proclamation of Neutrality by the Queen,
by which a Confederate Government, as existing, was acknowledged, and belligerent rights were accorded to the insurgents.4 Already an understanding existed between the British Government and the French Emperor, that they were to act together in regard to American affairs.
They had even gone so far as to
1 Reference is here made to an expression in the Queen's speech from the throne on the 5th of February, 1861, in which she declared her “great concern” at the events then taking place in the United States, and a “heart-felt wish that the differences that then distracted the country might be susceptible of a satisfactory adjustment.” For these humane expressions, Mr. Toulmin Smith, the conductor of the Parliamentary Remembrancer (vol. IV., page 8), reproved his Sovereign. “These last loose words,” he said, “are characteristic of the very loose notions that are common in England on the subject of what used to be the United States of North America. It is, from the very nature of the facts, no other than impossible that the ‘differences’ can be ‘susceptible’ [whatever that means] of satisfactory adjustment.” He then went on to say: “Already the honor of the Northern States has been seriously imperiled; and it has been proclaimed that many of them are so given up to the worship of the ‘almighty dollar,’ that every great principle will be cheerfully sacrificed by them, if only the States of the South will be so good as to remain in the Union, which the Northern States take to be rather profitable, in a commercial sense, to themselves.” This reads strangely in the light of subsequent events.
2 “There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure — which a just pride ought to discard.” --Washington's Farewell Address.
3 “ You will, in no case,” said Mr. Seward, “listen to any suggestions of compromise by this Government, under foreign auspices, with its discontented citizens. If, as the President does not at all apprehend, you shall unhappily find Her Majesty's Government tolerating the application of the so-called Seceding States, or wavering about it, you will not leave them to suppose for a moment that they can grant that application and remain the friends of the United States. You may even assure them promptly, in that case, that if they determine to recognize, they may at the same time prepare to enter into an alliance with the enemies of this Republic. You alone will represent your country at London, and you will represent the whole of it there. When you are asked to divide that duty with others, diplomatic relations between the Government of Great Britain and this Government will be suspended, and will remain so until it shall be seen which of the two is most strongly intrenched in the confidence of their respective nations and of mankind.”
4 A motion, with the view of recognizing the independence of the so-called “Confederate States,” was made in Parliament by Mr. Gregory, at the beginning of May, and, in reply to a question from him on the 6th of that month, Lord John Russell, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, gave the first authoritative statement of the position which the Government intended to take. “The Attorney and Solicitor-General and the Queen's Advocate and the Government,” he said, “have come to the opinion that the Southern Confederacy of America, according to those principles which seem to them to be just principles, must be treated as a belligerent.” Following the Queen's Proclamation, was a debate on the subject of blockades and privateering, in all of which the sovereignty of the States and the right of secession, according to the doctrines of the Calhoun school, were assumed, and it was fairly concluded that, the Confederates having formed a government, privateers commissioned by Davis could not be treated as pirates. But while belligerent rights were accorded to them, one of which was that of privateering, the British Government, by an order in council on the 1st of June, deprived the conspirators of the chief advantage to be derived from that pursuit, namely, the prohibition of the disposal of prizes in British ports. France took the same ground, and the rule was applied equally to the parties in conflict.
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