Xxix. The War on the ocean — Mobile Bay.
- The Confederate Navy
-- their torpedoes
-- British-built privateers
-- the Sumter
-- the Alabama
-- the Florida
-- seizure of the Chesapeake
-- the Tallahassee
-- the Olustee
-- the Chickamauga
-- Capt. Collins seizes the Florida in Bahia Harbor
-- Gov. Seward on Rebel belligerency
-- the Georgia
-- fight of the Kenrsarge and Alabama
-- criticisms thereon
-- Farragut before Mobile
-- bombards and passes Fort Morgan
-- the Rebel ram Tennessee fights our fleet
-- is captured
-- Fort Powell blown up
-- Fort Gaines surrenders
-- Fort Morgan succumbs
-- Mobile scaled up.
the formation of the Southern Confederacy was quickly followed by the resignation of a large proportion — though not nearly all — of the
Southern officers of the United States Navy--resignations which should not have been, but were, accepted.
Many of these officers had, for fifteen to forty years, been drawing liberal pay and allowances from the
Federal treasury for very light work-often, for no work at all: and now, when the
Government which had educated, nurtured, honored, and subsisted them, was for the first time in urgent need of their best efforts, they renounced its service, its flag, and their fealty, in order to tender their swords to its deadly foe. Under such circumstances, no resignation should have been accepted, but their names should have been stricken with ignominy from the rolls they disgraced.
These recreants made haste to repair to the
Confederate capital, where they were received with flattering distinction, and accorded rank in the embryo Confederate navy at least as high as that which they had respectively attained in the service of the
United States.
The “Register of the Commissioned and Warrant Officers in the Navy of the
Confederate States,” issued at
Richmond, Jan. 1, 186., contained several hundred names — over two hundred of them being noted as leaving formerly been officers of the U. S. Navy.
Some of these lacked even the poor excuse--“I go with my State,” --as at the head of the list stands their only
Admiral,
Franklin Buchanan, of
Maryland; who entered the service of the
United States Jan. 28th, 1815, and that of the
Confederacy Sept. 5th, 1861.
Of the
Captains (twelve) who follow, three were born in
Maryland, though one of them (
Geo. N. Hollins) claims to be a citizen of
Florida; as did another (
Raphael Semmes) of
Alabama.
Of the thirty-six
Provisional Captains and Commanders, twelve were born in non-seceding States, though most of them claimed to have since become residents of the “ sunny South.”
Very great ingenuity and nautical (or pyrotechnic) skill was evinced during the war, by the
Rebel navy thus constituted, in the construction of rams and iron-clads, and their use for harbor and coast defense, but
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more especially in devising, constructing, charging, and planting torpedoes, wherewith they did more execution and caused more embarrassment to blockaders and besieging squadrons than had been effected in any former war. Their devices for obstructing the mouths or channels of rivers and harbors were often unsurpassed in efficiency.
On the ocean, however, they were hampered by the fact that the Southrons are neither a ship-building nor a sea-faring people; that, while they had long afforded the material for a large and lucrative commerce, they had neither built, nor owned, nor manned, many vessels.
They would, therefore, have been able to make no figure at all out of sight of their own coast, but for the facilities afforded them by British sympathy and British love of gain, evading the spirit if not the strict letter of international maritime law. Great ship-building firms in
Liverpool and
Glasgow, wherein members of Parliament were largely interested, were almost constantly engaged in the construction of strong, swift steamships, calculated for corsairs and for nothing else; each being, when completed, in spite of information from our consuls and protests from our Minister, allowed to slip out of port under one pretext or another, and make for some prearranged rendezvous, where a merchant vessel laden with
Armstrong,
Whitworth,
Blakely, and other heavy rifled guns of the most approved patterns, with small arms, ammunition, provisions, &c., was awaiting her; and, her cargo being quickly transferred to the embryo corsair, a crew was made up, in part of men clandestinely enlisted for the service, in part of such as liberal pay, more liberal promises, and the cajolery of officer, could induce to transfer their services to the new flag; and thus the unarmed, harmless British steamship of yesterday was transformed into the Confederate cruiser of to-day: every stick of her British, from keel up to mast-head; her rigging, armament, and stores, British; her crew mostly British, though a few of her higher officers were not; and, thus planned expressly to outrun any heavily earned vessel and overpower any other, she hoisted the
Confederate flag and commenced capturing, plundering, burning, and sinking our merchant vessels wherever she could fall upon them unprotected by our navy: every British port, on whatever sea, affording her not only shelter and hospitality, but the fullest and freshest information with regard to her predestined prey and the quarter wherein it could be clutched with least peril.
Shielded from the treatment of an ordinary pirate, by the
Queen's proclamation of neutrality, and from effective pursuit by the maritime law which forbids the stronger belligerent to leave a neutral harbor within twenty-four hours after the weaker shall have taken his departure, though the latter may have dodged in just out of range of the former, after a keen chase of many hours--one of these corsairs was able to do enormous damage to our commerce with almost perfect impunity; for, by the time her devastations in one sea had been reported to our nearest naval commander, she would be a thousand miles away (but in what direction none could guess), lighting up another coast or strait with the glare of her conflagrations.
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If it be gravely held that
Great Britain was nowise responsible for the ravages of these marauders, then it must be confessed that the letter of existing international law does no justice to its spirit and purpose, but stands in need of prompt and thorough revision.
The career of the
Sumter,
Capt. Raphael Semmes, came to an early and inglorious end, as has already been narrated.
1 But another and superior cruiser was promptly constructed at
Birkenhead to replace her; which our Embassador,
Hon. Charles F. Adams, tried earnestly, but in vain, to have seized and detained at the outset by the
British Government.
Escaping from
Liverpool under the name of
Oreto, she was twice seized at
Nassau, but to no purpose: that island being the focus of blockade-running, and, of course, violently sympathetic with the
Rebellion — as was, in fact, nearly every officer in the
British naval or military service.
Released from duress, she put to sea, and soon appeared as a British ship of war off the harbor of
Mobile, then blockaded by
Com'r Geo. II.
Preble, who hesitated to fire on her lest she should be what she seemed; and in a few minutes she had passed him, and run up to
Mobile, showing herself the
Rebel corsair she actually was.
Preble was promptly dismissed from the service — an act of justice which needed but a few repetitions to have prevented such mistakes in future.
Running out
2 again under cover of darkness, the
Oreto, now commanded by
John N. Maffitt,
3 became the
Florida, thereafter vieing with her consort, the
Alabama — a new British vessel henceforth commanded by Semmes-and with other such from time to time fitted out, in their predatory career.
Each of these habitually approached her intended prey under her proper (British) colors, but hoisted the
Confederate so soon as tile prize was securely within her grasp.
Occasionally, a vessel of little value was released on condition of taking to port the crews of several of the most recently burned; a few were bonded, mainly because they carried British cargoes or were insured in British offices; but the great majority were simply robbed of their money, food, &c., and burnt.
Among those bonded by the
Alabama was the steamship
Ariel,
4 on her way from New York to
Aspinwall, with the
California passengers and freight; but the $250,000 which was to have been her ransom, being expressly “payable six months after the recognition [by the
United States] of the independence of the Southern Confederacy,” has not yet fallen due. Such was the just alarm caused by this capture, while several National vessels were anxiously looking for the
Alabama, that the
Ariel dared not bring the specie from
California that met her at
Aspinwall, but left it there, until a gunboat was sent for it by the
Government; and the specie continued to be so transmitted for some months thereafter.
The merchant ships captured and destroyed by these freebooters were hundreds in number, and the value of vessels and cargoes amounted to many scores of millions of dollars.
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But the damage thus inflicted was not limited to this destruction-far from it. The paralysis of commerce — the transfer (at a sacrifice) of hundreds of valuable ships to British owners (real or simulated) in order that they might be allowed to keep the seas with impunity — with the waste of money and service involved in sending many costly and formidable steamships to every ocean and almost every port in quest of some corsair, which was plundering and burning, perhaps on one side of a petty island, while the
Vanderbilt or
Tuscarora was vainly seeking it on the other — which was sure to be anywhere but where it was awaited or sought — and which would drop into the neutral harbor whither its pursuer had repaired for coal, or food, or information, and he there by his side, bearding him with impunity; taking its own time to depart in peace and safety, because no pursuit was allowed for the next 24 hours--such are the hare outlines of a system of maritime injury and annoyance which for years sickened the hearts of stanch upholders of the
Union.
That the officers of the
Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, and their confreres, were greeted in every British port with shouts and acclamations, receptions and dinners, as though they had been avowed Britons engaged in honorable warfare with their country's deadly foe, was observed by loyal
Americans with a stinging consciousness of the hollowness and fraud of British neutrality which will not soon be effaced.
And, when every remonstrance made by our Government or its representative against the favor shown to these privateers, not only in their construction, but throughout their subsequent career, was treated as though we had asked
Great Britain to aid us against tile Confederates, when we had only required that she cease to aid unwarrantably our domestic foes, the popular sense of dishonesty and wrong was with difficulty restrained from expressing itself in deeds rather than words.
Early in May, 1863, the
Florida, while dodging our gunboats among the innumerable straits and passages surrounding the several
West Indies, captured the brig
Clarence, which was fitted out as a privateer and provided with a crew, under
Lt. C. W. Read, late a midshipman in our navy.
This new b<*>aneer immediately steered northward, and, sweeping, up our southern coast, captured some valuable prizes; along them, when near
Cape Henry, the bark
Tacony,
5 to which Read transferred his men, and stood on up the coast; passing along off the mouths of the
Chesapeake,
Delaware, New York, and
Massachusetts bays, seizing and destroying merchant and fishing vessels utterly unsuspicious of danger; until, at length, learning that swift; cruisers were on his track, he burned the
Tacony (in which he would have been easily recognized), and in the prize schooner
Archer, to which he had transferred his armament and crew, stood boldly in for the harbor of
Portland; casting anchor at sunset
6 at its entrance, and sending at midnight two armed boats with muffled oars up nearly to the city, to seize the steam revenue cutter
Cushing and bring her out for his future use. This was done ; but, no sooner
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had the
Cushing left, under her new masters, than she was missed, and two merchant steamers were armed and manned (by volunteers) and started after her. She was soon overhauled, and, having no guns to cope with her armament, the pursuers were about to board, when her captors took to their boats, hiring half-a-dozen shots at her and blowing her up. The
Portland boys kept on till they captured first the boats, then the
Archer, towed them up to their city in triumph, and lodged Read and his freebooters snugly in prison.
The merchant steamer
Chesapeake, plying between New York and
Portland, was seized
7 by 16 of her passengers, who, suddenly producing arms, proclaimed themselves Confederates, and demanded her surrender; seizing the captain and putting him in irons, wounding the mate, and killing and throwing overboard one of the engineers.
After a time, they set the crew and passengers ashore in a boat, and, putting the steamer on an easterly course, ran her into Sambro harbor,
Nova Scotia, where she was seized
8 by the Union gunboat
Ella and
Anna, taken, with a portion of her crew, to
Halifax, and handed over to the civil authorities.
The prisoners were here rescued by a mob; but the steamboat was soon, by a judicial decision, restored to her owners.
During 1864, in addition to those already at work, three new British-Confederate corsairs, named the
Tallahassee,
Olustee, and
Chickamauga, were set afloat; adding immensely to the ravages of their elder brethren.
Up to the beginning of this year, it was computed that our direct losses by Rebel captures were 193 vessels; valued, with their cargoes, at $13,455,000. All but 17 of these vessels were burned.
But now the
Tallahassee, in August, swept along the
Atlantic coast of the loyal States, destroying in ten days 33 vessels; while the
Chickamauga, in a short cruise, burned vessels valued in all at $500,000. The
Florida likewise darted along our coast, doing great damage there and thereafter; finally running into tile Brazilian port of
Bahia;
9 having just captured and burnt the bark
Mondamon off that port.
Here she met the U. S. steamer
Wachusett,
Capt. Collins, and care to anchor, as a precaution, in the midst of the
Brazilian fleet and directly under the guns of the principal fort; and here, after ascertaining that he could not provoke her to fight him outside the harbor,
Capt. Collins bore down upon her, at 3 A. M.,
10 while part of her crew were ashore; running at her under a full lead of steam with intent to crush in her side and sink her; but, not striking her fairly, he only damaged, but did not cripple her. A few small-arm slots were fired on either side, but at random, and without effect.
Capt. Collins now demanded her surrender, with which the lieutenant in command--(
Capt. Morris, with half his crew, being ashore)-taken completely by surprise and at disadvantage — had no choice but to comply.
In an instant, the
Florida was boarded from the
Wachusett, a hawser made fast to her, and the captor, crowding all steam, put out to sea; main no reply to a challenge from the
Brazilian fleet, and unharmed by three shots fired at her from the fort; all
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which passed over her. The Brazilian naval commander tried to chase; but was not fast enough, and soon desisted.
The
Wachusett and her prize soon appeared in
Hampton roads; where the latter was sunk by a collision a few days afterward.
There call be no reasonable doubt that, if the
Florida was a fair, honest vessel, her capture was a foul one.
Our consul at
Bahia,
Mr. T. F. Wilson, had seasonably protested against the hospitality accorded to her in that port, but without effect.
As he was known to be implicated in the capture, is official recognition as consul was revoked.
On a representation of the case by the
Brazilian Minister,
Gov. Seward, in behalf of
President Lincoln, disavowed the acts of
Collins and
Wilson, dismissed the latter from office, suspended the former from command, and ordered him to answer for his act before a court-martial.
He further announced that the persons captured on board the
Florida should be set at liberty.
But he took care to place this reparation wholly on the ground of the unlawfulness of any unauthorized exercise of force by this country within a Brazilian harbor — no matter if against a conceded pirate-saying:
The Government disallows your assumption that the insurgents of this country are a lawful naval belligerent; on the contrary, it maintains that the ascription of that character by the Government of Brazil to insurgent citizens of the United States, who have hitherto been, and who still are, destitute of naval forces, ports, and courts, is an act of intervention, in derogation of the law of nations, and unfriendly and wrongful, as it is manifestly injurious, to the United States.
So, also, this Government disallows your assumption that the Florida belonged to the aforementioned insurgents, and maintains, on the contrary, that that vessel, like the Alabama, was a pirate, belonging to no nation or lawful belligerent, and, therefore, that the harboring and supplying of these piratical ships and their crews in Brazilian ports were wrongs and injuries for which Brazil justly owes reparation to the United States, as ample as the reparation which she now receives from them.
They hope and confidently expect this reciprocity in good time, to restore the harmony and friendship which are so essential to the welfare and safety of the two countries.
The Georgia was a Glasgow-built iron steamboat, which had left
Greenock, as tile
Japan, in April, 1863; receiving her armament when off tile coast of
France, and at once getting to work as a beast of prey.
Having destroyed a number of large and valuable merchant ships, she put in at
Cherbourg, and afterward at
Bourdeaux; whence she slipped over to
England, and was sold (as was said) to a Liverpool merchant for £ 15,000. She now set out for
Lisbon, having been chartered, it was given out, by the
Portuguese Government; but, when 20 miles from her port of destination, she was stopped
11 by the U. S. steam-frigate
Niagara,
Capt. Craven, who made her his prize; returning with her directly to
England, and landing her captain and crew at
Dover.
Her seizure provoked some newspaper discussion, but its rightfulness was not officially questioned.
The
Alabama had already come to grief.
After a long and prosperous cruise in the
South Atlantic and Indian oceans, she had returned to
European waters, taking refuge in the
French port of
Cherbourg; when the U. S. gunboat
Kearsarge,
12 which was lying in the
Dutch harbor of
Flushing, being notified by telegraph, came around at once to look after her.
Semmes, however, seems to have been quite ready for the encounter;
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as he dispatched
13 to
Capt. Winslow a request that he would not leave, as he (
Semmes) purposed to fight him.
Winslow was glad to find their views so accordant, and was careful to heed
Semmes's reasonable, courteous request.
The two vessels were very fairly matched: their dimensions and armaments being respectively as follows:
| Alabama. | Kearsarge. |
Length over all | 220 feet. | 214 1/4 feet. |
Length on water-line | 210 feet. | 198 1/2 feet. |
Beam | 32 feet. | 33 feet. |
Depth | 17 feet. | 16 feet. |
Horse-power, two engines of | 300 each. | 400 h. power. |
Tonnage | 1,150 | 1,030 |
Armament of the Alabama--One 7-inch
Blakely rifle, one 8-inch smooth-bore 68-pounder.
six 32-pounders.
Armament of the Kearsarge--Two 11-inch smoothbore guns, one 30-pounder rifle, four 32-pounders.
note — The
Kearsarge used but 5 guns; the
Alabama 7.
The
Kearsarge had 162 officers and men; the
Alabama about 150.
Having made all imaginable preparations in a friendly port, where he was surrounded by British as well as French sympathizers,
Semmes — having first providently deposited on shore his chest of coin, his 62 captured chronometers, the relics of so many burned merchantmen-at his own chosen time,
14 steamed out of the harbor, followed by his British friend
Lancaster in his steam-yacht
Deerhound, and made for the
Kearsarge, which was quietly expecting but not hurrying him, seven miles outside.
When still more than a mile distant, the
Alabama gave tongue; firing three broadsides before the
Kearsarge opened in reply.
Winslow endeavored to close and board: but his cautious adversary sheered off and steamed ahead, firing rapidly and wildly; while the
Kearsarge, moving parallel with her, fired slowly and with deliberate aim. The badness of the
Alabama's practice was notable from the fact that her British gunners had been trained on board Her Majesty's ship
Excellent in
Portsmouth harbor.
Several had recently come on board, as if on purpose to take part in tile expected fight.
Firing and steaming on, the combatants described seven circles; the
Kearsarge steadily closing, and having diminished, by fully half, the distance at which the
Alabama opened fire; when, after a mutual cannonade of an hour, the
Kearsarge, at 12 1/4 P. M., was just in position to fire grape, and her adversary, having received several 11-inch shells, one of which disabled a gun and killed or wounded 18 men, as another, entering her coal-bunkers, and exploding, had completely blocked up the engine-room, compelling her to resort to sails, while large holes were torn in her sides, at length attempted to make for the protection of the neutral shore; but she was too far gone to reach it, being badly crippled and rapidly filling with water.
Semmes and his crew appear to have had an understanding that she should beat the
Kearsarge or sink with all on board; but, when she began to sink in good earnest, he hauled down his flag, and sent a boat to the
Kearsarge to accelerate their rescue from the wreck as prisoners.
Semmes, in his letter to envoy
J. M. Mason, adds:--
Although we were now but 400 yards from each other, the enemy fired upon me five times after my colors had been struck.
It is charitable to suppose that a ship of war of a Christian nation could not have done this intentionally.
Capt. Winslow does not “suppose,” but states, as follows :--
I saw now that she was at our mercy; and a few more guns, well directed, brought down her flag.
I was unable to ascertain
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whether it had been hauled down or shot away but, white flag having been displayed over the stern, our fire was reserved.
Two minutes hid not more than elapsed before she again opened on us with the two guns ont he port side.
This drew our fire again; and the Kearsarge was immediately steamed ahead and laid across her bows for raking.
The white flag was still flying.
and our fire was again reserved.
Shortly after this, her boats were seen to be lowering, and tn officer in one of then came alongside, and informed us that the ship had surrendered and was fast sinking.
In twenty minutes from this time, the Alabama went down: her mainmast, which had been shot, breaking near the head as she sunk, and her bow rising high out of the water as her stern rapidly settled.
Lancaster — a virtual ally and swift witness for
Semmes — who was close at hand, watching every motion with intense interest, in his log of the fight, dispatched to
The Times that evening, when he arrived in his yacht at
Cowes, with
Semmes and such of his crew as he had snatched from the water and their captors-clearly refutes
Semmes's charge.
he says :--
At 12, a slight intermission was observed in the Alabama's firing; the Alabama making head-sail, and shaping her course for tile land, distant about nine miles.
At 12:30, observed the Alabama to be disabled and in a sinking state.
We immediately made toward her, and, in passing the Kearsarge, were requested to assist in saving the Alabama's crew.
At 12:50, when within a distance of 200 yards, the Alabama sunk.
We then lowered our two boats, and, with the assistance of the Alabama's whale-boat and dingy, succeeded in saving about 40 men, including Capt. Semmes and 13 officers.
At 1 P. M., we steered for Southampton.
The
Alabama had 9 killed and 21 wounded, including
Semmes himself, slightly.
Two of the wounded were drowned before they could be rescued.
The
Kearsarge had three men badly wounded, one of them mortally;
15 but neither would go below to be treated till the victory was won.
The triumph of the
Kearsarge is doubtless in part due to the superior effectiveness of her two 11-inch guns, but in good part also to the cool deliberation and excellent aim of her gunners.
As to her being iron-clad, this is
Semmes's story:
At the. end of the engagement, it was discovered, by those of our officers who went alongside the enemy's ship, with the wounded, that her midship section on both sides was thoroughly iron-coated; this having been done with chain constructed for the purpose, placed perpendicularly from the rail to the water's edge, the whole covered over by a thin outer planking, which gave no indication of the armor beneath.
This planking had been ripped off in every direction by our shot and shell, the chain broken and indented in many places, and forced partly into the ship's side.
She was most effectually guarded, however, in this section, from penetration.
Now let us hear
Capt. Winslow on this point:
The Alabama had been five days in preparation.
She had taken in 350 tons of coal, which brought her down in the water.
The Kearsarge had only 120 tons in; but, as an offset to this, her sheet-chains were stowed outside, stopped up and down, as an additional preventive and protection to her more empty bunkers.
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The London Daily News says:
The Kearsarge is spoken of as being iron-clad ; she was no more iron-clad than the Alabama might have been, had they taken the precaution.
She simply had a double row of chains hanging over her sides to protect her machinery.
Two shots from the Alabama struck these chains, and fell harmlessly into the water.
Of the crew of the
Alabama, 65 were picked up by the
Kearsarge as prisoners; while
Capt. Semmes and his officers and men who were picked up and carried off by
Lancaster, with a few picked up by a French vessel in attendance, were also claimed as rightful prisoners of war; but they denied the justice of the claim, and were not surrendered.
The steady increase of our naval force, and our successful combined operations in
Pamlico and
Albemarle sounds; before
Charleston,
Savannah, and among the
Sea Islands; up the months of the
Mississippi; along the coasts of
Florida; and at the mouth of the
Rio Grande, had gradually closed up the harbors of the
Confederacy, until, by the
Spring of 1864, their blockade-runners were substantially restricted to a choice of two ports-
Wilmington, N. C., and
Mobile — where the character of the approaches and the formidable forts that still forbade access by our blockaders to the entrance of their respective harbors, still enabled skillfully-piloted steamers, carefully built in British yards expressly for this service, to steal in and out on moonless, clouded, or foggy nights; not without risk and occasional loss, but with reasonable impunity.
To close these eyes of the
Rebellion was now the care of the Navy Department; and it was resolved to commence with
Mobile — the double entrance to whose spacious bay was defended by
Forts Morgan and Powell on either hand, and by
Fort Gaines on Dauphine island, which( separates
Grant's pass from the main channel.
Beside the heavy guns and large garrisons of these forts, there was a considerable fleet, commanded by
Franklin Buchanan, sole Rebel
Admiral, and formerly a captain in our Navy, whose iron-clad
Tennessee, 209 feet long, 48 feet beam, with timber sides 8 feet thick, doubly plated with 2-inch iron, fitted with tower, beak and overhang, and mounting two 7-inch and four 6-inch rifled guns, throwing projectiles respectively of 110 and 95 pounds, propelled by two engines and four boilers, was probably as effective a craft for harbor defense as fleet ever yet encountered.
Her three consorts were ordinary gunboats of no, particular force; but when to these forts and vessels are added the vague terrors and real dangers of torpedoes, carefully constructed and planted in a channel where it is scarcely possible for attacking vessels to avoid them, it must be felt that the fleet, however strong, which defies and assails them, can only hope to succeed by the rarest exhibitions alike of skill and courage.
Ten years had not elapsed since the immense naval power of
Great Britain, wielded by a Napier, recoiled before the defenses of
Cronstadt; while no attempt was made on the fortifications of
Odessa.
The fleet which
Rear-Admiral Farragut led
16 to force its way into the bay of
Mobile was composed of 4 iron-clads and 14 wooden ships-of-war or gunboats, as follows:
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Hartford (flag-ship),
Capt. P. Drayton;
Brooklyn,
Capt. James Alden;
Metacomet,
Lt.-Com'r J. E. Jouett;
Octorara,
Lt.-Com'r C. H. Green;
Richmond,
Capt. T. A. Jenkins;
Lackawanna,
Capt. J. B. Marchand;
Monongahela,
Com'r J. H. Strong;
Ossipee,
Com'r W. E. Leroy;
Oneida,
Com'r J. R. M. Mullany;
Port Royal,
Lt.-Com'r B. Gherardi;
Seminole,
Com'r E. Donaldson;
Kennebec,
Lt.-Com'r W. I. McCann;
Itasca,
Lt.-Com'r George Brown;
Galena,
Lt.-Com'r C. H. Wells;
17Tecumseh, Com'r T. A. M. .
Craven;
18Manhattan,
Com'r J. W. A. Nicholson;
19Winnebago,
Com'r T. H. Stevens;
20Chickasaw,
Lt.-Com'r T. H. Perkins.
Gen. Canby had sent from New Orleans
Gen. Gordon Granger, with a cooperating land force, perhaps 5,000 strong, which had debarked on Dauphine island, but which could be of no service for the present; and did not attempt to be.
Pollard says that our fleet carried 200 guns with 2,800 men.
Thursday, August 4, had been fixed on for the perilous undertaking; but, though the troops were on hand, the
Tecumseh had not arrived; and — in contempt for the nautical superstition touching Friday--the attack was postponed to next morning ; when, at 5: o'clock, the wooden ships steamed up, lashed together in couples; the
Brooklyn and
Octorara leading, followed by the
Hartford and
Metacomet; the iron-clads having already passed the bar, and now advancing in line on the right, or between the fleet and
Fort Morgan.
The
Tecumseh, leading, at 6:47, opened fire on
Fort Morgan, still a mile distant, which responded at 7:06 ; and forthwith, every gun that could be brought to bear on either side awoke the echoes of the startled bay.
The
Brooklyn, when directly under the guns of the fort-which, disregarding the iron-clads, were trained especially on the
Hartford and her, while their progress was retarded by the slowness of the monitors-had just opened on the fort with grape, driving its gunners from its more exposed batteries, when the
Tecumseh, then 300 yards ahead of her, struck a torpedo which, exploding directly under her turret, tore a chasm in her bottom, through which the water poured in a flood, sinking her almost instantly, and carrying down
Com'r Craven and nearly all his officers and crew.
Out of 130, but 17 were saved; part in one of her own boats and part by a boat sent, by
Farragut's order, from the
Metacomet, under a terrible fire.
Farragut had reluctantly consented to let the
Brooklyn lead the wooden fleet, because of her four chaseguns specially adapted to the work in hand, and because she had a peculiarly ingenious contrivance for picking up torpedoes.
“Exposure is one of the penalties of rank in the navy,” is his characteristic observation; in accordance with which, he had stationed himself in the
Hartford's main-top, as the point whence every thing that transpired could best be observed; and the strong presumption that the
Rebel fire would be concentrated on the flag-ship rendered him specially anxious that she should be accorded the post of preeminent peril and honor.
Overruled at the outset,
Farragut, when the
Brooklyn very naturally recoiled at the spectacle of the
Tecumseh's destruction, directed
Drayton to go ahead, followed by the rest, in the full belief that several must pay the penalty of heroism just exacted of
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the
Tecumseh.
But no more torpedoes were encountered; while the fire of the fort, now checked by the grape of our slips, became comparatively harmless, from the moment that he had fairly passed its front.
The Rebel fleet had opened fire directly after the fort; and the
Tennessee, at 7:50, rushed at the
Hartford, which simply returned her fire and kept on. The three Rebel gunboats, still ahead, poured their slots into the
Hartford; the
Selma getting a raking fire on her, which she could not return.
Farragut, therefore, at 8:02, ordered the
Metacomet to cast off and close with the
Selma ; which she captured, after an hour's fight: the
Selma's captain,
P. N. Murphy, with 9 others, being wounded ; her
Lieut. Comstock, with 5 more, being killed.
She had 4 great pivot guns and 94 men. The
Morgan and
Gaines now took refuge under tile guns of the fort; where the
Gaines, badly crippled, was run ashore and burned.
The
Morgan escaped, and ran up to
Mobile under cover of the ensuing night.
Farragut now supposed the fight over, and had ordered most of his vessels to anchor; but he was undeceived when the
Tennessee, at 8:45, stood bravely down the bay, and, trusting to her invulnerability to shot, made for our flag-ship, resolved to run her down.
At once, our iron-clads and stronger wooden slips were signaled to close in upon and destroy her; our fire, save of the very largest guns, seeming scarcely to annoy her.
The
Monongahela gave her the first blow; rushing at her at full speed, striking her square in the side, and, swinging around, pouring into her, when but a few feet distant., a broadside of solid 11-inch shot, which seemed to have much the same effect on her that a musket-wad or pop-gun pellet might be expected to produce on a buffalo's skull.
Not satisfied with this, (
Capt. Jenkins drew off and came at her again, with tile net result of losing his own beak and cut-water.
The
Lackawanna next struck the
Rebel monster at full speed ; crushing in her own stem to the plank-ends, but only giving the ram a heavy list, without doing her any perceptible harm.
The
Hartford came on next but her blow was evaded by an adroit motion of tile
Tennessee's helm, so that the
Hartford merely hit her on the quarter and rasped along her side: pouring in a broadside of 10-inch shot, at a distance of ten feet.
Our monitors had now crawled up, firing when they could do so; and the
Chickasaw ran under her stern; while the
Manhattan, also coming up behind her, gave her a solid 15-inch bolt, which struck her on her port quarter, carrying away her steering-gear, and breaking square through her iron plates and their wooden backing, but doing no harm inside.
Farragut had ordered
Drayton to strike her a second blow; and he was proceeding to do so, when the
Lackawanna, already badly crippled, in attempting to ram the enemy a second time, came in collision with the flag-ship, doing her considerable injury.
Both drew off, took distance for another pass at her, and were coming on at full speed, when the
Rebel alligator, sore beset from every side — her smoke-stack shot away, her steering-chains gone, several of her port-shutters so jammed by our shot
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that they could not be opened, and one of them battered to fragments, with the
Chickasaw boring away at her stern, and four other great vessels coming at her fall speed — saw that the fight was fairly out of her, with no chance of escape, and, hauling down her flag, ran up a white one, just in time to have the
Ossipee back its engine ere it struck her; changing its heavy crash into a harmless glancing blow.
On her surrender,
Admiral Buchanan was found severely wounded, with 6 of his crew; 3 being killed.
Of prisoners, we took 190 with the
Tennessee, and 90 with the
Selma.
Our total loss in this desperate struggle was 165 killed (including the 113 who went down in the Tecumsch) and 170 wounded: the
Hartford having 25 killed, 28 wounded, and the
Brooklyn 11 killed and 43 wounded. The
Oneida had 8 killed and 30 wounded, including her commander,
Mullany, who lost an arm: most of them being scalded by the explosion, at 7:50, of her starboard boiler by a 7-inch shell, while directly under the fire of
Fort Morgan.
Nearly all her firemen and coalheavers on duty were killed or disabled in a moment; but, though another shell at that instant exploded in her cabin, cutting her wheel-ropes, her guns were loaded and fired, even while the steam was escaping, as if they had been practicing at a target.
The Tennessee passed and raked her directly afterward, disabling two of her guns.
A shell, in exploding, having started a fire on the top of her magazine, it was quietly extinguished ; the serving out of powder going on as before.
The Rebel fleet was no more; but the
Rebel forts were intact.
Farragut sent the wounded of both fleets to
Pensacola in the
Metacomet, and prepared to resume operations.
During the ensuing night, Fort Powell was evacuated and blown up, so far as it could be ; but the guns were left to fall into our hands.
Fort Gaines was next day shelled by the iron-clad
Chickasaw, with such effect that
Col. Anderson, commanding there, next morning sued for conditions.
He night probably have held out a little longer; but, being on an island, with the fleet on one side and
Granger's army on tile other, there was not a possibility of relief or protracted resistance.
At 9 3/4 A. M., the Stars and Stripes were raised over the fort, and
Anderson and his 600 men were prisoners of war.
Gen. Page, commanding in
Fort Morgan, had much stronger defenses, and was on the main land, where he had a chance of relief; at the worst, he might get away, while
Anderson could not. He telegraphed the latter peremptorily, “Hold on to your fort!”
and his representations doubtless did much to excite the clamor raised against that officer throughout Dixie as a coward or a traitor.
But when
his turn came —
Granger's troops having been promptly transferred to the rear of
Morgan, invested
21 it, and, after due preparation, opened fire
22 in conjunction with the fleet-Page held out one day, and then surrendered at discretion.
He doubtless was right in so doing ; since — unless relieved by an adequate land force — his fall was but a question of time.
Yet his prompt submission tallied badly with his censure of
Anderson.
Before surrendering, he had damaged
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his guns and other material to the extent of his power.
Thus fell the last of the defenses of
Mobile bay; sealing that port against blockade-runners thenceforth, and endangering the
Rebel hold on the city.
With those defenses, we had taken 104 guns and 1,464 men — not without cost certainly; but there were few minor successes of the year which were won more cheaply, or which contributed more directly and palpably to the downfall of the
Rebellion.