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The Confederate in the field

Allen C. Redwood, Fifty-fifth Virginia Regiment, Confederate States Army
A question which is often asked of the survivor of the Civil War, when recounting the ‘battles, sieges, and fortunes he has passed,’ is, ‘How does it feel to be in battle?’ If he is in the habit of taking account of his sensations and impressions the answer is not so simple as might appear at first sight.

Much of the ground disputed by the contending forces in our Civil War was quite unlike the popular conception of a battlefield, derived from descriptions of European campaigns or from portrayals of the same, usually fanciful. The choice of a battle-ground in actual warfare is not determined by its fitness for the display of imposing lines, as at a review. As often as not, the consideration of concealment of those lines has much to do with the selection, or else there is some highway which it is important to hold or to possess, or again, some vulnerable point of the foe invites attack, in which case the actual terrain is such as may happen, and the disposition of the forces is made to conform as far as possible thereto.

The first engagement in which the writer took a modest part had been entirely foreseen, yet its development refuted all preconceived ideas of what a battle was like. It was the beginning of the series which resulted in frustrating McClellan's campaign on the Peninsula and raising the siege of Richmond, in 1862. We had been holding the left of the Confederate line on the Meadow Bridge road, picketing the bridges spanning a fork of the Chickahominy at that point—a Union picket-post being at the crossing of another branch, about a hundred yards distant, and in plain view from our outpost. [159]

Confederates at drill—not ‘smart’ but fighters ‘One misses the smartness which we in Europe are accustomed to associate with military establishments.’ The sight of this Confederate officer in his shirt-sleeves, and of his determined-looking company behind, recalls this remark, made by General Lord Wolseley, then Colonel Wolseley and later Governor-General of Canada, after inspecting Lee's army in the lower Shenandoah Valley just after the Maryland campaign of 1862—the year after the Florida photograph above was taken. The look of the men, gaunt and hollow-eyed, worn with marching and lack of proper food, until they did not carry an ounce of superfluous flesh; powdered thick with dust until their clothing and accouterment were all one uniform dirty gray, except where the commingled grime and sweat had streaked and crusted the skin on face and head; the jaded, unkempt horses and dull, mud-bespattered gun-carriages and caissons of the artillery; even trivial details; the nauseating flavor of the unsalted provisions, the pungent smell of the road-dust which filled the nostrils-all these impressions came thronging back across the intervening years which have transformed the beardless young soldier into the grizzled veteran who still ‘lags superfluous on the stage,’ and who recalls these things that have passed. And he glories in ‘Marse Robert's’ reply: ‘No, my men don't show to advantage in camp, and to tell the truth I am a little ashamed to show them to visitors. But, sir,’ he resumed, his face flushing and his eyes kindling, as sometimes happened when stirred from his habitual poise, ‘you should see them when they are fighting—then I would not mind if the whole world were looking on!’


At the date of the opening of the battle, June 26, 1862, it was the turn of the regiment for this duty, our company holding the advanced post at the bridges. But we had supposed that we were to receive an attack from the foe, being ignorant of the fact that the Federal force on the north bank was ‘in the air,’ owing to the retention of McDowell's corps, before which we had retired from Fredericksburg, and which was to have joined and extended this flank on the Rappahannock. Thus, when the advance began, we were the first to cross the river. For some distance the road was a corduroy through the swamp, which our company traversed at double-quick and without opposition until we came into the open and approached the small hamlet of Mechanicsville, at the intersection of a road leading to Richmond and the Old Cold Harbor road, running almost parallel with the Chickahominy.

Thus far we had seen no Federals except the picket, which had promptly retired before our advance. Nor was the country about us in any way distinctive—just an ordinary eastern Virginia landscape of fields, farmhouses, and commonplace woods, and seeming peaceful enough in the light of a summer's afternoon. Before opening this vista the column, marching in fours, was halted in a shallow cut of the road, and some one ahead called back an order to ‘clear the road for the artillery!’ A wild scramble up the banks ensued, under the apprehension that we were about to be raked by McClellan's guns. But the real intent was to advance a section of our brigade battery traveling in our rear, to ‘feel’ a thin belt of timber intervening between us and the village. This was our first scare; number two was soon to follow.

Meanwhile, we had formed line on the right of the road and approached the wooded camp-site in which, as we supposed, the foe was concealed and awaiting us. When almost up to it, some excited soldier discharged his musket; at once, and without orders, the entire right wing of the regiment blazed away at the numerous collection of tent-poles and cracker- [161]

The Confederate soldier at work The photograph of this garrison at a ‘sand battery’ on the Gulf Coast gives a view of the Confederate at work that will be treasured by veterans. Every one of them knows how eminently unsatisfactory an occupation is war for the private in the ranks. He is ordered, he knows not whither, he knows not why, and, likely as not, has to stay there to die. ‘I wondered if they were deliberately planning my death,’ recalled an old soldier who was invariably chosen for the skirmish line. ‘First, we had to go out there to see if anyone could be induced to shoot at us; and if they did, and we got back alive, we had to take our places in the ranks and go forward with the other fellows, taking an equal risk with them after the other fellows were entirely through shooting at us individually. Somehow it didn't seem quite fair.’

[162] boxes, reminders of its late occupation. At that time there probably was not a Federal soldier nearer than the further side of Beaver Dam Creek, nearly a mile distant. But we were to hear from them before long.

Having passed through the straggling little village we were halted again just beyond, in a dip of the ground through which coursed a small rivulet, and some of us took the opportunity to fill canteens. It was while waiting there that we received the first hostile shots from the guns beyond the creek. They soon got our range and it began to look like real war at last.

It was at this point that, for the first time, I saw a man killed in battle. We were standing to arms awaiting orders to advance; another regiment of the brigade was supporting us a short distance in the rear—the Sixtieth Virginia, under Colonel Starke, who was killed later while commanding a Louisiana brigade at Sharpsburg, in September, 1862. A shell plowed the crest of the elevation in front, and our line made a profound obeisance as it passed over; it seemed as if it must clear us but about reach the Sixtieth, and as I ducked I glanced back that way and witnessed its effect in their ranks. The body of a stalwart young fellow suddenly disappeared, and on the ground where he had stood was a confused mass of quivering limbs which presently lay still—the same shell, as I learned afterward, carried away the top of a man's head in our own regiment.

Another took effect soon after, as we were moving out by the left flank, knocking over several men and killing one of them. By this time the fire had grown quite brisk, and we lost more men as we lay in the open field before entering some woods still more to the left, where the regiment commenced firing, against an imaginary foe, I have cause to believe. Yet, these same skittish troops, under fire for the first time, just four days later charged and captured a regular battery of 12-pounder guns and were complimented on the field by [163]

The work of war with Coastwise garrison—inside Sumter, 1864 The soldiers of the Army of Northern Virginia, with the Confederate troops who struggled over the Western mountains and swamps, were wont to allude to coast ‘garrison’ duty as an easy berth, but this Confederate photograph of the interior of Fort Sumter, taken in 1864, does not indicate any degree of superfluous ease and convenience. The garrison drawn up in the background, in front of the ruined barracks, could point to the devastation wrought by the bombardment, visible in the foreground and on the parapets, with just pride. In spite of the hundreds of shells that crashed into the Fort from the belching guns of the Federal fleets, the Stars and Bars still floated defiant throughout the four years of the war. The Southern heart may well glow with pride at the thought of the little fort.

[164] General Longstreet—such progress had they made within that brief period in the ‘school of the soldier.’ We are coming to the period in this narration when we might fairly claim to have been soldiers indeed; when the disjointed fragments had at last been welded together into an army. We had been ‘shooted over’ and even ‘blooded’; had heard the screech of shell and the hiss of minie balls, and had learned to discount their deadliness in some measure; had learned how to make ourselves snug and comfortable in camp, even though our wagons still might be miles in the rear; had learned to cook without utensils and to improvise a shelter without tents or, failing that, to take the weather as it came and say no more about it. We knew that a march meant much fatigue —agony, even—and accepted both as a matter of course and part of the work on which we were engaged. Blistered feet, we had come to learn, were indeed serious, and as a corollary, that it was wise to get a foot-bath, and to put on dry socks upon going into Camp for the night, even if one were tired out, and felt more disposed just to lie down and rest. There was to-morrow's march to be considered, and we had come to recognize that to-day's exertion was by no means exceptional.

We knew how to make a fire which would last all night; that it was well to start out before daylight with just a bite, if no more, rather than upon an empty stomach, and to confine the consumption of water while on the road to what was in the canteen, though that might be lukewarm, instead of going out of ranks at a spring or well—the canteen's contents were just as wet—and one was not tempted to drink too much when overheated, and most important of all, he did not have to overfatigue himself in trying to catch up with his command in a road full of other troops, who had ‘troubles of their own’ and were by no means disposed to get out of the way.

The soldier could find water in a perfectly unfamiliar country just by the lay of the land, and by a kind of prescience almost amounting to instinct, and, at a glance, could estimate [165]

The change from theory to practice Wall-tents, such as appear in this photograph of 1861, were not seen for long in the Confederate army. At the beginning, no less than three wagons conveyed the impedimenta of a company of the Fifty-fifth Virginia—one having been provided by private subscription to transport the knapsacks! The rest of the transportation was in proportion. The regimental train, as it left the Rappahannock, would have sufficed amply for the use of at least a brigade. But a few months later, just after the ‘Seven Days,’ all this was changed and the soldiers began for the first time to realize what actual soldiering meant and to find out how very few were the articles one needed in his kit when he had to transport them on his person. An inkling of this had been gained before, however, when the brigade retained as an outpost at Fredericksburg, after Johnston's army went to Yorktown, evacuated that position before the advance of McDowell's Corps, which was moving overland to join McClellan north of the Chickahominy and complete the investment of Richmond on that side. This movement relegated to the rear the capacious mess-chests and wall-tents which had hitherto been regarded as requisite or necessary paraphernalia for field service. The soldiers in the field were permitted to retain only the ‘flies’ belonging to the tents.

[166] the merits or demerits of a camp-site, at the end of a day's march. Also, we had grown weather-wise in forecasting the final events to which all the preliminaries tended, from indications whose significance the experience of service enabled us to read with a fair approach to certainty, however these might vary, as they did, with the outward conditions—accidents of locality, the immediate object in view, and the like.

Many of the early engagements, from the point of view of the man in the ranks and the officers of the lower grades, seemed quite impromptu. Of one of the most stupendous of these— that of Gettysburg—a Confederate officer of high grade has said, ‘We accidentally stumbled into this fight.’

It seemed so to the writer, then serving in Heth's division of the Third Army Corps, and which opened the engagement on the morning of July 1, 1863. Usually we knew there must be trouble ahead, but not always how imminent it might be. The column would be marching as it had been doing for perhaps some days preceding, the fatigue, heat, dust, and general discomfort being far more insistent upon the thought of the men than any consideration of its military objective. Perhaps the pace may have been rather more hurried than usual for some miles, and a halt, for any reason, was most welcome to the footsore troops, who promptly proceeded to profit by every minute of it—lying down on the dusty grass by the roadside, easing knapsack straps and belts, and perhaps snatching the opportunity for a short smoke (for which there had been no breath to spare previously) or for a moistening of parched throats from the canteen.

This might be of longer or shorter duration, often it was aggravatingly cut up into a series of advances or stops, more fatiguing than the regular marching swing. Getting up and down is rather tiresome when one is carrying the regular campaigning kit of a soldier and when muscles have been taxed until there is no spring left in them—quite another affair from the same process when fresh and unencumbered. It is then that [167]

Wall-tents comparative comfort on the Confederate coast Although most comforts had disappeared from the Army of Northern Virginia by 1862, as well as from the armies in the West, the port garrisons like those around Charleston were able to keep their wall-tents. So great is the ‘luxury’ among this mess of the Washington Light Infantry in garrison at Charleston, that they even have initials painted upon their water-bucket; and, wonder of wonders! there hangs a towel. One who inquired of a veteran as to the opportunities for toilet-making was answered thus: ‘On the march we generally had water enough to wash our hands and faces, but sometimes, especially when there was brisk skirmishing every day, the men didn't get a chance to wash their bodies for weeks together. It was fun in a country comparatively free from the enemy to see a column strike a river. Hundreds of the boys would be stripped in an instant, and the river banks would reecho with their shouts and splashing. It was only on garrison duty or in winter-quarters that the supreme luxury, laundry from home, could ever be attained.’ The men in this photograph from left to right are Sergeant W. A. Courtney, Privates H. B. Olney, V. W. Adams, and Sergeant R. A. Blum. The organization still existed, half a century after the scene above.

[168] the voice of a man with a ‘grouch’ is heard in the land. There is sure to be one in every company, and his incessant jeremiads by no means tend to alleviate the discomforts of his fellows, and so receive small sympathy from them.

A mounted orderly comes riding back, picking his way through the recumbent ranks, and pretending indifference to the rough chaffing prescribed by custom in the infantry as the appropriate greeting for the man on horseback—good-natured on the whole, even if a little tinged with envy—or some general officer with his staff is seen going forward at a brisk trot through the fields bordering the road, or maybe a battery of guns directing its course toward some eminence. It becomes apparent that the check ahead is not due to such ordinary causes as a stalled wagon or caisson or to the delay occasioned by some stream to be forded; the objective aspect of the situation begins to assert itself; the thought of present personal discomfort gives place to that of prospective peril, and a certain nervous tension pervades the ranks.

Soldiers are but human, and the veterans who have been in battle before know what is implied in the work ahead and that some—and it may be one as well as another—will probably not answer at next roll-call. The ‘eagerness for the fray’ of which we read so often, rarely survives the first battle; in all that follows, it is conspicuously absent, however the men may have gained in steadiness and have acquired self-possession under fire.

The troops in front are moving now, filing off to right or left, to take their allotted position in the line, or possibly beginning a flank movement; there may be no fight to-day after all—these things have happened before, without anything serious coming of it. The hostile force may be only a small one and we daresay will not give battle, but retire on its main body. For, in the field we live merely from day to day anyhow and ‘sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.’ We are not in the confidence of the powers that be and know nothing of their [169]

Confederates in camp This photograph of Confederate troops in Camp was taken at Camp Moore, Louisiana, in 1861. The man writing the letter home on the box is Emil Vaquin, and Arthur Roman is the man completing the washing. Thomas Russel is gleaning the latest news from the paper, and Amos Russel is grinding coffee. The fifth man is Octave Babin. Names of French extraction, these, appropriate to Louisiana. The soldiers are facing their period of ‘breaking-in.’ A veteran of the eastern army describes this transition period: ‘Our breaking — in was rather rough—it was the beginning of a prolonged spell of wet, raw weather, which is so often mentioned in McClellan's reports of his operations on the Peninsula-and, with little notion of how to adapt ourselves to the situation, we suffered much discomfort at first. After the experience of a few months and with half the equipage we then possessed, we would have been entirely comfortable, by campaigning standards. As yet we were drawing the full army ration, including the minor items of coffee, sugar, rice, and beans, and were abundantly supplied with the necessary utensils for their preparation whenever we were in contact with our wagons, but we simply did not know how to use this bountiful provision and had yet to learn that the situation was not exceptional or ephemeral but would be just the same in the future months of war, and must be met and faced in permanent fashion—that it was “all in the day's work,” and that any departure from these hard times, as they then seemed, would be in the direction of “worse a-comina.” ’

[170] machinations, however intimately these may concern our fortunes. We only know that we have ‘no orders’ as yet.

This condition of affairs may continue for hours or for minutes. Meanwhile, the best thing to do is to make ourselves as comfortable as possible—the philosophy of the seasoned soldier, in all circumstances—and take the chance of being permitted to remain so, and we shall be all the better prepared for the work if it does come. But, hello! look yonder! the battery-men, who have been lounging about, are standing to their pieces now, and immediately become busy executing mysterious movements about the same, in the methodical fashion distinctive of their arm. Those about the nearest gun suddenly break away to right and left. A dense white stream of smoke leaps from the muzzle, and the crashing report strikes our ears a few seconds later, as the gunners step forward again, lay hold of handspike and spokes, and run the gun back into position. Another shot and another, and yet another, and the smoke thickens and we discern only vaguely the movements at the cannon —but the war-music has begun and we know the battle has opened.

From somewhere in front comes another and fainter report, and possibly in mid-air above our battery a round cloud jumps into view, snowy white against the blue sky; another remote, jarring growl, followed by a fluttering sound but too familiar to our ears and growing louder each moment, and a spurt of earth is projected into the air not far from the road we occupy. One finds the foe does not propose that the argument shall be all on one side and is rising ‘to a point of information.’

Evidently it is this road which is the object of their curiosity; just now we also are interested, but in the sense of wishing we were somewhere else before their aim shall have become more accurate with practice—we don't like the talk to be too one-sided either, and they are beyond the range of our ordnance, while the ground in front which conceals from view what is beyond affords slight protection. Ah! there is a staff- [171]

Impedimenta did not harass the Confederates an unusually luxurious camp This is an unusually luxurious Confederate Camp for the second year of the war. The photograph was taken by Scheier of Nashville, Tenn., and the scene is indicated as on the Harding road. The shining muskets stacked in front of the tents contrast with the soldiers' nondescript costumes. The boxes and barrels have rather the appearance of plunder than that of a steady supply from the commissary department. Conspicuous are the skillet on the barrel-head, and the shirt hung up to dry. The Confederate soldier traveled light. Indeed, a long train would have impeded, perhaps frustrated, the swift movements which were so great an element of his strength. The old Romans rightly termed their baggage ‘impedimenta,’ when put upon their mettle. However, the size of their wagon-train was seldom a cause of anxiety to the Confederates. Jackson's Foot Cavalry could always outstrip the wagons, and the size of the Union wagon-train was apt to interest them more frequently. For the rank and file of the Army of Northern Virginia, there were no more tents after the middle of the war. The camping site was almost always in the woods, as giving ready access to fuel and being as near as possible to some stream of water. Each company selected ground in the rear of its stacks of arms, but beyond that there was little semblance of order in the arrangement. The consideration of level ground, free from stubs or roots, usually determined the selection.

[172] officer talking in an animated tone to the brigade commander, motioning with his hand, while the other closely studies a folding map which has just been handed to him and which he presently returns, nodding the while to signify that he understands what he is expected to do. ‘Attention!’—but we are already on our feet in advance of the order, and most willingly leave the road, now growing momentarily more insalubrious, following the head of the column through fields of stubble or fallow or standing corn, the blades of which cut and the pollen irritates the moist skin. Or it may be through dense woodland, where nothing is visible a few yards distant, in which furious fighting may occur and many men fall with the opposing lines in close contact, yet entirely concealed from each other, the position of either being only conjectured by the smoke and the direction of the firing, as the bullets from the opposite side come rapping against the tree trunks and cutting twigs and leaves overhead.

Before this stage is reached, however, there may be numerous changes of direction, countermarching and the like to attain the position; long lines of battle require a good deal of space for their deployment, and in the woods, especially, it is not easy to determine in advance just how much ground any command will occupy. In each case, however, at some stage, the troops are in line, and we may suppose them there, awaiting the attack or about to deliver it, as may be.

It is perhaps the most ominous moment of all when the command is heard, ‘Load at will—load!’ followed by the ringing of rammers in the barrels and the clicking of gun-locks —neither of which sounds, with the arms of to-day, has any significance, but it was otherwise when we loaded ‘in nine times,’ as the manual prescribed. The modern soldier fails utterly to grasp the meaning of biting cartridges; a cartridge to him is essentially a brass shell with the fulminate enclosed in its base, requiring only to be taken from his belt and put in the chamber of his rifle-nowadays, indeed, they go in in [173]

Battlefield scenes.

The two photographs are eloquent of the two distinct styles of warfare that Captain Redwood contrasts. Over the wide fields near Gettysburg, across the trampled stubble where lie the bodies of Confederates fallen in the battle, ten, fifteen, twenty thousand men could be maneuvered intelligently. But in the dense woodland conflicts were waged blindly, in total ignorance of the strength and location of the foe—yet sanguinary, as the photograph of the battlefield of the Wilderness below attests.

Field and forest—two contrasting but famous scenes of conflict

Battlefield of the Wilderness.

[174] ‘clips’ of five. But we veterans managed to fight through the big war with the old muzzle-loaders, and they seem to have done some execution, too. It has ‘a strange, quick jar upon the ear,’ the dry metallic snapping running along the line when it came to ‘prime,’ and each man realized that when next heard it will be with no uncertain sound and closely followed by the command, ‘Fire!’

Once engaged, the soldier's attention is too much taken up with delivering his fire effectively to give heed to much else —it is hard work and hot work, in the literal, no less than in the figurative, sense, and extremely dirty work withal. The lips become caked with powder-grime from biting the twist of cartridges, and after one or two rounds the hands are blackened and smeared from handling the rammer; the sweat streams down and has to be cleared from the eyes in order to see the sights of the rifle, and the grime is transferred from hands to face.

Think you of a gang of coal-heavers who have just finished putting in a winter's supply ordered by some provident householder in midsummer, and you get a fair impression of troops at the end of a day's fighting. The line soon loses all semblance of regular formation; the companies have become merely groups of men, loading and firing and taking advantage of any accident of ground—natural depression, tree, rock, or even a pile of fence rails that will give protection. But if the soldier is about where he belongs—to right or left of the regimental colors, according to the normal place of his company in line—he feels reasonably sure of resuming formation whenever the command may come to ‘cease firing’ and to ‘dress on colors’ preparatory to an advance or a charge. If the latter, though the move next may begin in perfect order, it is almost immediately lost.

The charge delivered by our brigade at Frayser's Farm —to which allusion has been made earlier in this chapter—was, as seen by a Federal general who was captured there, ‘in V-shape, without order and in perfect recklessness.’ This [175]

Where the courage to fight in the dark was needed

Old soldiers say that it takes more courage to fight with an unseen foe than it does to sweep in long lines through the open fields to the mouths of the roaring batteries. A veteran cavalryman has stated that he thought a cavalry charge took less bravery than any other kind of action. There is the dash, the emulation, the ‘thunder of the captains and the shouting’ all stimulating the participant to supreme effort. Such are the famous European battles of song and story—usually waged in open fields; but the American soldier soon became an adept at fighting an unseen enemy. These dense woodlands of the Wilderness are not the European idea of a battlefield, but the ghastly ruins of the human frame, and the trees clipped and broken by the fearful hail of shot and shell, attest that here was a battle where they fought in the darkness of the woods, instead of on the open plain. These photographs convey wonderful mute tributes to the courage of every American participant, from the South or from the North. The forest-trees are pitted and scored and hacked and gnawed by the galling fire of musketry—in some instances, entirely felled from this cause alone, for the country afforded but little scope for the employment of artillery by either side. The underbrush, withered and reddened by the summer's sun, lies at all angles as the bullets have cut it down along the battlefield.

Battle of the Wilderness.

Battle of the Wilderness.

Battle of the Wilderness.

[176] formation was in no wise intentional, the apex of the V in question being simply the brigade commander, General Field, who personally conducted the attack upon the battery and the slope of the sides, as the individual prowess of his followers might determine. Even more characteristic of a Confederate infantry onset was the description of an officer of high rank on that side, ‘A tumultuous rush of men, each aligning on himself, and yelling like a demon, on his own hook.’ The ‘yell’ which has become historical, was merely another expression of the individuality of the Southern soldier, though as its moral force came to be recognized, it was rather fostered officially, and grew into an institution—it was the peculiar slogan of the Gray people. A gallant, accomplished staff-officer of General Meade's household, in a recent work on the battle of the Wilderness, pays the thrilling yell this tribute, ‘I never heard that yell that the country in the rear did not become intensely interesting!’ And more than one Federal soldier has borne similar testimony.

This allusion recalls to mind a visit of two days duration, made to that historic field in the summer of 1910, after an interval of forty-six years, which served to illustrate forcibly what has already been recorded in these recollections as to the absence of distinction in the features of a battle-ground per se. When last seen the blighting breath of war had but lately passed over those dense and tangled woodlands and the signs of strife, deadly and determined, were manifest everywhere. The forest trees were pitted and scored and hacked and gnawed by the galling fire of musketry, in some instances, entirely felled from this cause alone, for the country afforded but little scope for the employment of artillery by either side. The underbrush, withered and reddened by the summer's sun, lay at all angles as the bullets had cut it down, as if some one had gone over the ground with a machete and given each little bush or sapling a stroke. In all directions, one came upon the rude breastworks hastily thrown up, of earth, logs, rails—anything that might serve to stop a bullet. They had failed to stop a [177]

In the Wilderness

In these photographs reappears the dreadful Wilderness as it looked in 1864—the shambles in the thickets, with the forest trees pitted and scarred and hacked and gnawed by the galling musketry fire, where the dead still outnumbered the living, where the woods bordering the Orange Plank Road were thickly strewn with the bodies of Hancock's men who had so furiously assailed Hill and Longstreet on that line. The underbrush, withered and reddened by the summer's sun, lay at all angles as the bullets had cut it down, as if someone had gone over the ground with a machete and given each little bush or sapling a stroke. In all directions one came upon the rude breastworks, hastily thrown up, of earth, logs, rails—anything that might serve to stop a bullet. But nearly half a century later, a visitor could find here the deep significance of peace; as Captain Redwood records in his accompanying reminiscence: ‘The bark has closed over the bullet scars on the trees; a new growth has sprung up to replace that leveled by the musketry; goodly trees, even, are standing upon the diminished earthworks. The others have long since rotted into mould. The traveler might easily pass along that quaint road, so hotly contested, with never a suspicion of what befell there— “grim-visaged war has smoothed his wrinkled front” indeed.’

The Orange Plank road as it looked in 1864

‘The grim harvest’ of the Wilderness—soldiers' graves after the battle

[178] good many, and all the failures were not recorded upon the natural growth.

In this sparsely settled region, but lately so populous, the dead occupants still outnumbered the living. The woods bordering the Orange Plank Road were thickly strewn with the mouldering bodies of Hancock's men who had furiously assailed Hill and Longstreet on that line. Here gallant old Webb, for whom ‘taps’ have sounded, led his staunch brigade against Gregg's Texans and Low's Alabamans, almost up to the works, and the trefoil badges—the ‘clover-leaves’ on the cap-fronts of the fallen covered the ground on the edge of the Widow Tapp's field where Lee attempted to lead the Texans' charge, and the men refused to go forward until he consented to go back. Cattle were quietly browsing the herbage in a little grass glade at this point, their pasture the aftermath of the grim harvest reaped there on that May morning long ago.

To-day scarcely a trace remains of all that. In the intervening years beneficent Nature has been silently but unremittingly at work effacing the marks of man's devastation of her domain. The bark has closed over the bullet-scars on the trees, so that diligent search is required to detect them now; a new growth has sprung up to replace that leveled by the musketry; goodly trees, even, are standing upon the diminished earthworks. The others have long since rotted into mold. The traveler might easily pass along that quaint road, so hotly contested, with never a suspicion of what befell there—‘grim visaged war has smoothed his wrinkled front,’ indeed.

The war is definitely over. In its time it ravaged our fair land almost beyond recognition, put our young manhood to the uttermost proof, and left in its track many deeper and more poignant wounds than those in the Wilderness woods, but it ended at last. And time has been closing over the scars ever since and new growth springing into life all the while. Who was right; who was wrong?—the God above us ‘who doth all things aright’ alone knows surely.

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