Legislator; born in Edgefield
District, S. C., Aug. 4, 1819; was graduated at the South
Carolina College in 1839: admitted to the bar in 1843; and elected to the State legislature in the following year.
He served with the South Carolina
Palmetto Regiment through the Mexican War
, and afterwards engaged in planting.
He was elected to Congress as a State-Rights Democrat in 1853, and held his seat till his death, in Washington, D. C.
, Jan. 27, 1857.
On May 22, 1856, he made a murderous assault on Charles Sumner
, who had remained in his seat in the Senate Chamber
attending to some unfinished business after the adjournment of the Senate for the day. Mr. Sumner
became insensible from the attack, and is said to have suffered more or less from it till his death.
When the fact of the assault became known, the House of Representatives directed an investigation, and its committee reported in favor of expelling Mr. Brooks
Subsequently, however, when the resolution came
up for final action it was defeated through lack of the required two-thirds vote.
Soon afterwards Representative Anson Burlingame
(q. v.), of Massachusetts
, challenged Mr. Brooks
to fight a duel in consequence of words used in a debate in the House
, but Mr. Brooks
failed to appear at the designated time and place in Canada
After the assault Mr. Brooks
resigned his seat in the House
, but his constituents immediately re-elected him, and he was presented with numerous tokens of esteem by friends in different parts of the South
His defence of the assault.
On July 14. 1856,. Mr. Brooks
, in resigning his seat in Congress.
delivered the following speech:
,--Some time since a Senator from Massachusetts
allowed himself, in an elaborately prepared speech, to offer a gross insult to my State, and to a venerable friend, who is my State representative, and who was absent at the time.
Not content with that, he published to the world, and circulated extensively, this uncalled — for libel on my State and my blood.
Whatever insults my State insults me. Her history and character have commanded my pious veneration; and in her defence I hope I shall always be prepared, humbly and modestly, to perform the duty of a son. I should have forfeited my own self-respect.
and perhaps the good opinion of my countrymen, if I had failed to resent such an injury by calling the offender in question to a personal account.
It was a personal affair, and in taking redress into my own hands T meant no disrespect to the Senate of the United States or to this House.
Neither did I design insult or disrespect to the State of Massachusetts
I was aware of the personal responsibilities I incurred, and was willing to meet them.
I knew, too, that I was amenable to the laws of the country, which afford the same protection to all, whether they be members of Congress or private citizens.
I did not, and do not now, believe that I could be properly punished, not only in a court of law. but here also, at the pleasure and discretion of the House
I did not then, and do not now. believe that the spirit of American freemen would tolerate slander in high places, and permit a member of Congress to publish and circulate a libel on another, and then call upon either House
to protect him against the personal responsibilities which he had thus incurred.
But if I had committed a breach of privilege, it was the privilege of the Senate, and not of this House, which was violated.
I was answerable there
, and not here
. They had no right, as it seems to me, to prosecute me in these halls, nor have you the right in law or under the Constitution
, as I respectfully submit, to take jurisdiction over offences committee against them.
The Constitution does not justify them in making such a request.
nor this House in granting it. If, unhappily, the day should ever come when sectional or party feeling should run so high as to control all other considerations of public duty or justice, how easy it will be to use such precedents for the excuse of arbitrary power, in either House
, to expel members of the minority who may have rendered themselves obnoxious to the prevailing spirit in the House
to which they belong.
Matters may go smoothly enough when one House
asks the other to punish a member who is offensive to a majority of its own body; but how will it he when, upon a pretence of insulted dignity, demands
are made of this House
to expel a member who happens to run counter to its party predilections, or other demands which it may not be so agreeable to grant?
It could never have been designed by the Constitution of the United States
to expose the two Houses to such temptations to collision.
or to extend so far the discretionary power which was given to either House
to punish its own members for the violation of its rules and orders.
Discretion has been said to be the law of the tyrant, and when exercised under the color of the law, and under the influence of party dictation, it may and will become a terrible and insufferable despotism.
however, it would seem, from the unmistakable tendency of its proceedings, takes a different view from that which I deliberately entertain in common with many others.
So far as public interests or constitutional
rights are involved, I have now exhausted my means of defence.
I may, then, be allowed to take a more personal view of the question at issue.
The further prosecution of this subject, in the shape it has now assumed, may not only involve my friends, but the House
itself, in agitations which might be unhappy in their consequences to the country.
If these consequences could be confined to myself individually, I think I am prepared and ready to meet them, here or elsewhere; and when I use this language I mean what I say. But others must not suffer for me. I have felt more on account of my two friends who have been implicated than for myself, for they have proven that “there is a friend that sticketh closer than a brother.”
I will not constrain gentlemen to assume a responsibility on my account, which possibly they would not run on their own.
Sir, I cannot, on my own account
, assume the responsibility, in the face of the American
people, of commencing a line of conduct which in my heart of hearts I believe would result in subverting the foundations of this government, and in drenching this hall in blood.
No act of mine, on my personal account, shall inaugurate revolution; but when you, Mr. Speaker
, return to your own home, and hear the people of the great North--and they are a great people — speak of me as a bad man. you will do me the justice to say that a blow struck by me at this time would be followed by revolution, and this I know.
(Applause and hisses in the gallery.)
(resuming) :--If I desired to kill the Senator
, why did not I do it?
You all admit that I had him in my power.
Let me tell the member from New Jersey
that it was expressly to avoid taking life that I used an ordinary cane, presented to me by a friend in Baltimore
, nearly three months before its application to the “bare head” of the Massachusetts Senator
I went to work very deliberately, as I am charged — and this is admitted — and speculated somewhat as to whether I should employ a horsewhip or a cowhide: but knowing that the Senator
was my superior in strength, it occurred to me that he might wrest it from my hand.
and then — for I never attempt anything I do not perform — I might have been compelled to do that which I would have regretted the balance of my natural life.
The question has been asked in certain newspapers, why I did not invite the Senator
to personal combat in the mode usually adopted.
Well. sir, as I desire the whole truth to be known about the matter, I will for once notice a newspaper article on the floor of the House
, and answer here.
My answer is. that the Senator
would not accept a message; and having formed the unalterable determination to punish him. I believe that the offence of “sending a hostile message,” superadded to the indictment for assault and battery, would subject me to legal penalties more severe than would be imposed for a simple assault and battery.
That is my answer.
Now, Mr. Speaker
, I have nearly finished what I intended to say. If my opponents, who have pursued me with unparalleled bitterness, are satisfied with the present condition of this affair, I am. I return my thanks to my friends, and especially to those who are from non-slave-owning States, who have magnanimously sustained me. and felt that it was a higher honor to themselves to be just in their judgment of a gentleman than to be a member of Congress for life.
In taking my leave, I feel that it is proper that I should say that I believe that some of the votes that have been cast against me have been extorted by an outside pressure at home, and that their votes do not express the feelings or opinions of the members who gave them.
To such of these as have given their votes and made their speeches on the constitutional principles involved, and without indulging in personal vilification, I owe my respect.
But, sir, they have written me down upon the history of the country as worthy of expulsion, and in no unkindness I must tell them that for all future time my self-respect requires that I shall pass them as strangers.
And now, Mr. Speaker.
I announce to you and to this House, that I am no longer a member of the thirty-fourth Congress.
then withdrew from the chamber.