Missouri,
Was a part of what was originally known as
Upper Louisiana.
By the grant of Louis XIV.
to
Crozat, Sept. 14, 1712, “all the country drained by the waters emptying, directly or indirectly, into the
Mississippi River,” is included in the boundaries of
Louisiana.
In
northern Louisiana were included
Arkansas,
Missouri,
Iowa,
Kansas, and
Nebraska.
Below the
Missouri the settlements were more rapid.
In 1720 the discovery of lead-mines within its present borders drew adventurers there.
Its oldest to town,
St. Genevieve, was founded in 1755, and, by the treaty of
Paris, in 1763, that whole region passed into the possession of the
English.
Already many of the
Canadian French had settled on the borders of the
Mississippi.
Lands were liberally granted to the colonists by the
English.
Emigrants from
Spain flocked in. In 1775
St. Louis, which had been first a fur-trading establishment, contained 800 inhabitants, and
St. Genevieve about 460.
In the region of
Missouri there were soon stirring events; for
Spain, taking sides with the
Americans, made war on the
English, and that country became master of
lower Louisiana and
Florida.
In 1780 the
British from the
Lakes attacked
St. Louis, but the timely arrival of
Col. George Rogers Clarke (q. v.) in
Illinois saved it from capture.
After the war
Spain retained
Louisiana,
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and the country on the east bank of the
Mississippi became the property of the
United States.
American settlers crossed the
Mississippi, and collisions with the
Spanish authorities ensued.
Diplomacy settled the disputes, and the navigation of the
Mississippi was made free to both parties.
The purchase of
Louisiana (q. v.) made a final settlement.
It was divided into the
Territory of New Orleans and the District of Louisiana.
The latter was admitted into the
Union as the
State of Louisiana in 1812.
The name of the District of Louisiana was changed to
Missouri, and at that time the population was full 22,000.
In 1817 it had increased to 60,000, and application was made to Congress for permission to frame a State constitution.
It was framed, and application was made for the admission of
Missouri as a State.
Then came the struggle between the friends and foes of the slavelabor system, which ended in the famous compromise (see
Missouri compromise), in accordance with the provisions of which
Missouri was admitted to the
Union, Aug. 10, 1821.
From that time the material prosperity of the
State rapidly increased.
It was checked somewhat by the
Civil War.
The inhabitants of the
State were much agitated by the political events in
Kansas (q. v.). They had pretty well learned the merits of the question at issue, and when they were called upon to act they did so intelligently.
They knew the value of the
Union; and the great body of the people deprecated the teachings of the disloyal politicians, and determined to stand by the national government.
Claiborne F. Jackson was inaugurated governor of
Missouri, Jan. 4, 1861.
In his message to the legislature he recommended the people to stand by their sister slave-labor States in whatever course they might pursue.
He recommended the calling of a convention.
This the legislature authorized (Jan. 16), but decreed that its action on the subject of secession should be submitted to the people before it should be valid.
The convention assembled in
Jefferson City, Feb. 28.
On the second day of the session it adjourned to
St. Louis, where it reassembled, March 4, with
Sterling Price as president, and
Samuel A. Lowe as secretary.
Price professed to be a Unionist, and so obtained his election.
He soon afterwards became one of the most active Confederate military leaders in that region.
Luther J. Glenn, an accredited commissioner from
Georgia, was allowed to address the convention on the first day of the session at
St. Louis.
He strongly urged
Missouri to join the Southern Confederacy ; but it was found that the atmosphere of
St. Louis, in and out of the convention, was not congenial to the nourishment of such an idea.
The population of that city was made up largely of New-Englanders and Germans, who were loyal; while emigrants from slave-labor States, especially
Virginia, composed the great body of the
Confederates.
Glenn's remarks were greeted with hisses by spectators at the convention.
The convention itself officially assured him that his views were not acceptable to that body, and its proceedings throughout were marked by a great dignity and propriety.
The report of a committee on federal relations, submitted to the convention on March 9, deplored the offensive language used towards the slave-labor States and the institution of slavery by the antislavery speakers and writers in the freelabor States; but declared that “heretofore there has been no complaint against the actions of the federal government, in any of its departments, as designed to violate the rights of the
Southern States.”
The committee concluded that, while the possession of the government by a sec-
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tional party might lead to dangerous strife, the history of the country taught that there was not much to be feared from political parties in power.
The report closed with seven resolutions evincing attachment to the
Union; declaring the
Crittenden Compromise (see
Crittenden, John Jordon) to be a proper basis for an adjustment; that a convention of the States to propose amendments to the
Constitution would be useful in restoring peace and quiet to the country; that an attempt to “coerce the submission of the seceding States, or the employment of military force by the seceding States to assail the government of the
United States,” would inevitably lead to civil war; and earnestly entreated the national government and the
Confederates to “stay the arms of military power.”
The convention substantially adopted this report, March 19; and an amendment was agreed to recommending the withdrawal of the
National troops from the forts within the borders of the seceding States where there is danger of collision between the
State and National troops.
After appointing delegates to a Border State convention, and giving power to a committee to call another session when it might seem necessary, the convention adjourned to the third Monday in December.
A Union convention, which had been held in February, 1861, and adjourned, reassembled at
Jefferson City, on July 22, and proceeded to reorganize the civil government of the
State, which had been broken up by the flight of the governor and other officers and the dispersion of the legislature, many of whom were now Confederate soldiers.
By a vote of 56 to 25 the convention declared the various State offices vacant; also that the seats of the members of the General Assembly were vacant; and they proceeded to fill the
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executive offices to carry on a provisional government, and appointed the first Monday in November as the time for the people to elect all the
State officers and a new Assembly.
The convention issued an address to the people, in which they set forth the dangers with which the commonwealth was menaced by the acts of the
Confederates, and exposed the treasonable acts of the governor and his associates.
H. R. Gamble was appointed provisional governor;
W. P. Hall,
lieutenant-governor; and
M. Oliver,
secretary of state.
On July 31, 1861,
Thomas C. Reynolds,
lieutenant-governor of
Missouri, issued a proclamation at New Madrid, as acting chief-magistrate in the “temporary absence,” he said, “of
Governor Jackson,” in which he declared the absolute severance of
Missouri from the
Union.
“Disregarding forms,” he said, “and looking to realities, I view any ordinance for the separation from the
North and union with the
Confederate States as a mere outward ceremony to give notice to others of an act already consummated in the hearts of the people; consequently, no authority of the
United States will hereafter be permitted in
Missouri.”
This short way of transferring the allegiance of the people of a State from one power to another was followed by the announcement, in the same proclamation, that they were placed under the military rule of the
Confederacy, and that by invitation of
Governor Jackson,
Gen. Gideon J. Pillow (q. v.), of
Tennessee, had already entered
Missouri with troops.
The fugitive governor (
Jackson) had been to
Richmond to prepare the way for the admission of
Missouri into the
Confederacy.
From New Madrid he proclaimed, Aug. 5, 1861, that
Missouri was “a sovereign, free, and independent republic.”
On the 20th of the same month the Confederate Congress at
Richmond passed an act to “aid the
State of Missouri in repelling invasion by the
United States, and to authorize the admission of said State as a member of the
Confederate States of America.”
Measures were speedily adopted for the consummation of the alliance, and during a greater portion of the war men claiming to represent the people of
Missouri occupied seats in the Confederate Congress at
Richmond.
The old legislature of Missouri met at
Neosho, Oct. 21, and on the 28th passed an ordinance of secession.
An act to provide for the defence of the
State of Missouri was adopted Nov. 1, in which provision was made for the issue of what were called “defence bonds” to the amount of $10,000,000, payable in three, five, and seven years.
As before indicated, popular feeling in
Missouri was opposed to secession, but the
State authorities favored it. Civil
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war was begun there by the governor (
C. F. Jackson), who, on June 12, 1861, issued a call for the active service of 50,000 of the
State militia, “for the purpose of repelling invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens.”
Gen. Nathaniel Lyon (q. v.), in command of the Department of Missouri, moved against
Governor Jackson as soon as the latter had raised the standard of revolt at
Jefferson City.
He sent (July 12, 1861) a regiment of
Missouri volunteers, under
Col. Franz Sigel (
q. v.) to occupy and protect the Pacific Railway from
St. Louis to the
Gasconade River, preparatory to a movement southward to oppose an invasion by
Gen. Benjamin McCulloch, a Texan ranger, who had crossed the
Arkansas frontier with about 800 men, and was marching on
Springfield.
Lyon left
St. Louis (June 13) with 2,000 men, on two steamboats, for
Jefferson City, to drive
Jackson and
Price out of it. The Missouri troops were commanded by
Colonels Blair and
Boernstein, the regulars by
Captain Lathrop, and the artillery by
Capt. J. Totten.
The Confederates fled westward to a point near
Booneville.
Leaving
Boernstein to hold the capital,
Lyon followed, June 16.
He overtook the fugitives not far from
Booneville.
Lyon landed his men and attacked the camp of the
Confederates, commanded by
Colonel Marmaduke, of the
State forces, some of whose troops had made a citadel of a brick house.
The camp was on an eminence.
Lyon ascended this and opened a battle by firing into the midst of the
Confederates.
A sharp fight ensued.
Two of
Lyon's shells entered the brick house and drove out the inmates.
Finally the
Confederates fled.
They lost a battery, twenty prisoners, several horses, and a considerable amount of military stores.
Leaving a company to hold the deserted camp,
Lyon pushed on to
Booneville.
The fugitives scattered, some going westward and some southward.
With the latter went
Governor Jackson.
At
Warsaw, on the
Osage, he was joined (June 20) by 400 men under
Colonel O'Kane, who had just captured and dispersed about the same number of the loyal
Missouri Home Guards.
The governor and his followers continued their flight to the extreme southwestern corner of
Missouri, where he was
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joined by
General Price, when the whole Confederate force amounted to full 3,000 men. At the same time
Gen. J. G. Rains, a graduate of
West Point, was hurrying forward to join
Jackson with a considerable force, closely pursued by
Major Sturgis, with a body of
Kansas volunteers.
Jackson was now satisfied that the whole of
northern Missouri was lost to the cause of secession, and he endeavored to concentrate all the armed disloyal citizens, with
McCulloch's men, in the southwestern part of the commonwealth.
Assured by the aspect of affairs, and conciliatory and assuring proclamations from both
General Lyon and
Colonel Boernstein, the people became quieted, and the loyal State convention was called to assemble at
Jefferson City on July 22, 1861.
General Lyon remained at
Booneville about a fortnight, preparing for a vigorous campaign in the southwest.
He then held military control over the whole region northward of the
Missouri River, and on July 1 there were at least 10,000 loyal troops in
Missouri, and 10,000 more might have been there within forty-eight hours from camps in neighboring States.
Sigel was pushing forward towards the borders of
Kansas and
Arkansas to open the campaign.
The capture of the
Confederate troops at
St. Louis (q. v.) produced consternation among their friends in
Jefferson City, where the Missouri legislature was in session.
A bill was immediately passed by which the governor was authorized to receive a loan of $500,000 from the banks and to issue $1,000,000 in State bonds for war purposes.
He was also authorized to purchase arms, and the whole military power of the
State was placed under his control.
Meanwhile
General Harney had issued a proclamation denouncing the bill as an indirect secession ordinance, and null; yet, anxious for peace, he was ready to pursue a conciliatory policy.
He entered into a compact (May 21) with
Sterling Price (q. v.), a general of the
State militia, which had for its object the securing of the neutrality of
Missouri in the impending conflict.
Price, in the name of the governor, pledged the power of the
State to the maintenance of order.
Harney, in the name of his government, agreed to make no military movements as long as order was preserved.
The loyal people were alarmed, for they well knew the governor would violate his pledge.
The national government did not sanction the compact.
General Harney was relieved of his command, and on May 29
Lyon, who had been commissioned (May 16) a brigadier-general, was put in his place and made commander of the Department of Missouri.
The purse and sword of
Missouri were in the hands of the governor, and he defied the national government.
He determined to wield the power of the
State in favor of the
Confederacy.
Finally
General Lyon and others held a conference (June 11) with
Governor Jackson.
He demanded, as a vital condition of pacification, the disbanding of the
Home Guards—loyal citizens—throughout the
State, and that no National troops should be allowed to set foot on the soil of
Missouri.
Lyon refused compliance, and on the following day the governor raised the standard of revolt, as before narrated.
Strengthened by the successes of
Pope (see
Blackwater, battle at the),
Gen. Henry W. Halleck, who had succeeded to the command of the Department of Missouri, prepared to put forth more vigorous efforts to purge the
State of Confederates.
On Dec. 3, 1861, he declared martial law in
St. Louis, and afterwards extended it to all railroads and their vicinities.
Meanwhile
Price, being promised reinforcements from
Arkansas, moved back to
Springfield, where he concentrated about 12,000 men, and prepared to spend the winter there.
Halleck sent
Gen. S. R. Curtis to drive him out of the
State.
Curtis was assisted by
Generals Davis,
Sigel,
Asboth, and
Prentiss.
They moved in three columns.
Early in February, 1862,
Price fled into
Kansas, whither he was pursued by
Curtis; and
Halleck wrote to his government, late in February, that he had “purged
Missouri,” and that the flag of the
Union was “waving in triumph over the soil of
Arkansas.”
In accomplishing this work no less than sixty battles—most of them skirmishes—had been fought on
Missouri soil, beginning with
Booneville, at the middle of June, 1861, and ending at the middle of February, 1862.
These conflicts resulted in the loss, to both
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parties, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of about 11,000 men.
Emboldened by the failure of the
Red River expedition (q. v.), the
Confederates, by raiding bands, awed the Unionists in
Arkansas into inactivity, and gave
General Price an opportunity, early in the fall of 1864, to invade
Missouri again, this time chiefly for a political purpose.
Secret societies in sympathy with the
Knights of the Golden circle (q. v.) had been formed in
Missouri and neighboring Southern States, whose object was to give aid to the
Confederate cause.
Price had been promised 20,000 recruits if he should enter
Missouri with a respectable military force.
He and
General Shelby crossed the
Missouri border early in September with 20,000 followers, and pushed on to
Pilot Knob, half-way to
St. Louis.
But the promised recruits did not appear.
The vigilant
Rosecrans, then in command of the Department of the Missouri, had discovered
Price's plans and, by some arrests, had so frightened the remainder that they prudently remained in concealment.
Price was disappointed; and he soon perceived that a web of great peril was gathering around him.
General Ewing, with a brigade of National troops struck him an astounding blow at
Pilot Knob.
Soon afterwards these and other troops under
Gen. A. J. Smith and
General Mower sent
Price flying westward towards
Kansas, closely pursued.
This chase was enlivened by several skirmishes, and late in November
Price was a fugitive in
western Arkansas with a broken and dispirited army.
This was the last invasion of
Missouri by the
Confederates.
In the expulsion of
Price from
Missouri Gen. Alfred Pleasonton (q. v.) bore a conspicuous part.
The total loss of the Nationals during the invasion was 346 killed and wounded.
Price left
Missouri much weaker than when he entered it.
On Jan. 6, 1865, another convention assembled at
St. Louis and framed a new constitution, which was ratified by a popular vote in June following.
During the war
Missouri furnished to the
National army 108,773 troops.
In 1869 the legislature of Missouri ratified the Fifteenth Amendment to the national Constitution.
Population in 1890, 2,679,184; in 1900, 3,106,665.
See
United States, Missouri, in vol.
IX.
State governors.
| Alexander McNair | term begins | Sept. 19, 1820 |
| Frederick Bates | term begins | Nov., 1824 |
| Abraham J. Williams | acting | Aug. 1, 1825 |
| Gen. John Miller | term begins | Nov., 1825 |
| Daniel Dunklin | term begins | Nov., 1832 |
| Lilburn W. Boggs | term begins | Nov., 1836 |
| Thomas Reynolds (Dem.) | term begins | Nov., 1840 |
| M. M. Marmaduke | acting | Feb. 9, 1844 |
| John C. Edwards (Dem.) | term begins | Nov., 1844 |
| Austin A. King (Dem.) | term begins | Nov., 1848 |
| Sterling Price (Dem.) | term begins | Dec., 1852 |
| Trusten Polk (Dem.) | term begins | Dec., 1856 |
| Hancock Jackson | acting | March, 1857 |
| Robert M. Stewart (Dem.) | term begins | Dec., 1857 |
| Claiborne F. Jackson (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 4, 1861 |
| H. R. Gamble (provisional) | elected | July 31, 1861 |
| Willard P. Hall | acting | Jan. 31, 1864 |
| Thomas C. Fletcher (Rep.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1865 |
| Joseph W. McClurg (Rep.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1869 |
| R. Gratz Brown (Lib.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1871 |
| Silas Woodson (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1873 |
| Charles H. Hardin (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1875 |
| John S. Phelps (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1877 |
| Thos. T. Crittenden (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1881 |
| John S. Marmaduke (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1885 |
| Albert G. Morehouse | acting | Dec. 28, 1887 |
| David R. Francis (Dem.) | term begins | Jan., 1889 |
| William J. Stone (Dem.) | term begins | Jan., 1893 |
| Lou V. Stephens | term begins | Jan., 1897 |
| A. M. Dockery | term begins | Jan., 1901 |
