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Chapter 20: the death-grapple.
The triumph of the Republican party at the polls was the signal for the work of dissolution to begin.
Webster's terrific vision of “a land rent with civil feuds” became reality in the short space of six weeks after
Lincoln's election, by the secession of
South Carolina from the
Union.
Quickly other Southern States followed, until a
United States South was organized, the chief stone in the corner of the new political edifice being Negro slavery.
It was not six weeks after the inauguration of
Abraham Lincoln, when the roar of cannon in
Charleston Harbor announced to the startled country that war between the States had begun.
The first call of the new
President for troops to put down the rebellion and to save the
Union, and the patriotic uprising which it evoked made it plain that the struggle thus opened was to be nothing less than a death-grapple between the two sections.
Before the attack on
Fort Sumter,
Garrison was opposed to coercing the rebel States back into the
Union.
He admitted the Constitutional power of the
National Government to employ force in maintaining the integrity of the
Republic.
“The Federal Government must not pretend to be in actual operation, embracing thirty-four States,” the editor of the
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Liberator commented, “and then allow the seceding States to trample upon its flag, steal its property, and defy its authority with impunity; for it would then be (as it is at this moment) a mockery and a laughingstock.
Nevertheless to think of whipping the
South (for she will be a unit on the question of slavery) into subjection, and extorting allegiance from millions of people at the cannon's mouth, is utterly chimerical.
True, it is in the power of the
North to deluge her soil with blood, and inflict upon her the most terrible sufferings; but not to conquer her spirit, or change her determination.”
He, therefore, proposed that “the people of the
North should recognize the fact that the
Union is Dis-solved, and act accordingly.
They should see, in the madness of the
South, the hand of God, liberating them from ‘ a covenant with death’ and an ‘agreement with hell,’ made in a time of terrible peril, and without a conception of its inevitable consequences, and which has corrupted their morals, poisoned their religion, petrified their humanity as towards the millions in bondage, tarnished their character, harassed their peace, burdened them with taxation, shackled their prosperity, and brought them into abject vassalage.”
It is not to be wondered at that
Garrison, under the circumstances, was for speeding the
South rather than obstructing her way out of the
Union.
For hardly ever had the anti-slavery cause seen greater peril than that which hung over it during the months which elapsed between
Lincoln's election and the attack on
Sumter, owing to the paralyzing apprehensions to which the free States fell a prey in view of the
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then impending disruption of their glorious Union.
Indeed no sacrifice of anti-slavery accomplishments, policy, and purpose of those States were esteemed too important or sacred to make, if thereby the dissolution of the
Union might be averted.
Many, Republicans as well as Democrats, were for repealing the
Personal Liberty Laws, and for the admission of
New Mexico as a State, with or without slavery, for the enforcement of the
Fugitive Slave Law, for suppressing the right of free speech and the freedom of the press on the subject of slavery, and for surrendering the
Northern position in opposition to the extension of slavery to national Territories, in order to placate the So'lth and keep it in the
Union.
Nothing could have possibly been more disastrous to the anti-slavery movement in
America than a Union saved on the terms proposed by such Republican leaders as
Willian H. Seward,
Charles Francis Adams,
Thomas Corwin, and
Andrew G. Curtin.
The Union, under the circumstances, was sure death to the slave, in disunion lay his great life-giving hope.
Therefore his tried and sagacious friend was for sacrificing the
Union to win for him freedom.
As the friends of the
Union were disposed to haggle at no price to preserve it, so was
Garrison disposed to barter the
Union itself in exchange for the abolition of slavery.
“Now, then, let there be a Conven-Tion of the free States,” he suggested, “called to organize an independent government on free and just principles; and let them say to the slave States: Though you are without excuse for your treasonable conduct, depart in peace!
Though you have laid piratical hands on property not your own, we
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surrender it all in the spirit of magnanimity!
And if nothing but the possession of the
Capitol will appease you, take even that without a struggle!
Let the line be drawn between us where free institutions end and slave institutions begin!”
But the thunder of the rebel guns in
Charleston Harbor wrought in the reformer a complete revolution in this regard.
In the tremendous popular uprising which followed that insult to the national flag he perceived that the old order with its compromises and dispositions to agree to anything, to do anything for the sake of preserving the
Union had passed away forever.
When it was suggested as an objection to his change of base that the “Administration is endeavoring to uphold the
Union, the
Constitution, and the Laws, even as from the formation of the
Government,” he was not for a moment deceived by its apparent force, but replied sagely that “this is a verbal and technical view of the case.”
“Facts are more potential than words,” he remarked with philosophic composure, “and events greater than parchment arrangements.
The truth is, the old Union is
non est inventus, and its restoration, with its pro-slavery compromises, well-nigh impossible.
The conflict is really between the civilization of freedom and the barbarism of slavery-between the principles of democracy and the doctrines of absolutism-between the free
North and the man-imbruting South ; therefore, to this extent hopeful for the cause of impartial liberty.”
With the instinct of wise leadership, he adjusted himself and his little band of Abolitionists, as far as he was able, to the exigencies of the revolution.
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his madness there was always remarkable method.
When the nation was apathetic, dead on the subject of slavery, he used every power which he possessed or could invent to galvanize it into life.
But with the prodigious excitement which swept over the free States at the outbreak of the war,
Garrison saw that the crisis demanded different treatment.
Abolitionists and their moral machinery he felt should be withdrawn, for a season at least, from their conspicuous place before the public gaze, lest it happen that they should divert the current of public opinion from the
South to themselves, and thus injure the cause of the slave.
He accordingly deemed it highly expedient that the usual anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in New York, ought, under the circumstances, to be postponed, coming as it would but a few weeks after the attack on
Sumter, and in the midst of the tremendous loyal uprising against the rebels.
This he did, adding, by way of caution, this timely counsel: “Let nothing be done at this solemn crisis needlessly to check or divert the mighty current of popular feeling which is now sweeping southward with the strength and impetuosity of a thousand Niagaras, in direct conflict with that haughty and perfidious slave-power which has so long ruled the republic with a rod of iron, for its own base and satanic purposes.”
The singular tact and sagacity of the pioneer in this emergency may be again seen in a letter to
Oliver Johnson, who was at the time editing the
Anti-Slavery Standard. Says the pioneer: “Now that civil war has begun, and a whirlwind of violence and excitement is to sweep through the country, every day increasing
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in interest until its bloodiest culmination, it is for the Abolitionists to ‘ stand still and see the salvation of God,’ rather than to attempt to add anything to the general commotion.
It is no time for minute criticism of
Lincoln, Republicanism, or even the other parties, now that they are fusing, for a death-grapple with the
Southern slave oligarchy; for they are instruments in the hands of God to carry forward and help achieve the great object of emancipation for which we have so long been striving. . . We need great circumspection and consummate wisdom in regard to what we may say and do under these unparalleled circumstances.
We are rather, for the time being, to note the events transpiring than seek to control them.
There must be no needless turning of popular violence upon ourselves by any false step of our own.”
The circumspection, the tact, and sagacity which marked his conduct at the beginning of the rebellion characterized it to the close of the war, albeit at no time doing or saying aught to compromise his antislavery principle of total and immediate emancipation.
On the contrary, he urged, early and late, upon Congress and the
President the exercise of the war power to put an end for ever to slavery.
Radical Abolitionists like
Stephen S. Foster were for denying to the Administration anti-slavery support and countenance, and for continuing to heap upon the
Government their denunciations until it placed itself “openly and unequivocally on the side of freedom,” by issuing the edict of emancipation.
Against this zeal without discretion
Garrison warmly protested.
“I cannot say that I do not sympathize with the
Government,”
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said he, “as against
Jefferson Davis and his piratical associates.
There is not a drop of blood in my veins, both as an Abolitionist and a peace man, that does not flow with the
Northern tide of sentiment; for I see, in this grand uprising of the manhood of the
North, which has been so long groveling in the dust, a growing appreciation of the value of liberty and free institutions, and a willingness to make any sacrifice in their defence against the barbaric and tyrannical power which avows its purpose, if it can, to crush them entirely out of existence.
When the
Government shall succeed (if it shall succeed) in conquering a peace, in subjugating the
South, and shall undertake to carry out the
Constitution as of old, with all its pro-slavery compromises, then will be my time to criticise, reprove, and condemn; then will be the time for me to open all the guns that I can bring to bear upon it. But blessed be God that ‘covenant with death’ has been annulled, and that ‘agreement with hell’ no longer stands.
I joyfully accept the fact, and leave all verbal criticism until a more suitable opportunity.”
But it must be confessed that at times during the struggle,
Lincoln's timidity and apparent indifference as to the fate of slavery, in his anxiety to save the
Union, weakened
Garrison's confidence in him, and excited his keenest apprehensions “at the possibility of the war terminating without the utter extinction of slavery, by a new and more atrocious compromise on the part of the
North than any that has yet been made.”
The pioneer therefore adjudged it prudent to get his battery into position and to visit upon the
President for particular acts, such as the revocation
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of anti-slavery orders by sundry of his generals in the field, and upon particular members of his Cabinet who were understood to be responsible for the shuffling, hesitating action of the
Government in its relation to slavery, an effective fire of criticism and rebuke.
Nevertheless
Mr. Garrison maintained toward the
Government a uniform tone of sympathy and moderation.
“
I hold,” said he, in reply to strictures of
Mr. Phillips upon the
President at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Society in 1862; “I hold that it is not wise for us to be too microscopic in endeavoring to find disagreeable and annoying things, still less to assume that everything is waxing worse and worse, and that there is little or no hope.”
He himself was full of hope which no shortcomings of the
Government was able to quench.
He was besides beginning to understand the perplexities which beset the administration, to appreciate the problem which confronted the great statesman who was at the head of the nation.
He was getting a clear insight into the workings of
Lincoln's mind, and into the causes which gave to his political pilotage an air of timidity and indecision.
“ Supposing
Mr. Lincoln could answer to-night,” continued the pioneer in reply to his less patient and hopeful coadjutors, “and we should say to him: ‘ Sir, with the power in your hands, slavery being the cause of the rebellion beyond all controversy, why don't you put the trump of jubilee to your lips, and proclaim universal freedom?
’ --possibly he might answer: ‘Gentlemen, I understand this matter quite as well as you do. I do not know that I differ in
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opinion from you; but will you insure me the support of a united North if I do as you bid me?
Are all parties and all sects at the
North so convinced and so united on this point that they will stand by the
Government?
If so, give me the evidence of it, and I will strike the blow.
But, gentlemen, looking over the entire
North, and seeing in all your towns and cities papers representing a considerable, if not a formidable portion of the people, menacing and bullying the
Government in case it dared to liberate the slaves, even as a matter of self-preservation, I do not feel that the hour has yet come that will render it safe for the
Government to take that step.’
I am willing to believe that something of this kind weighs in the mind of the
President and the
Cabinet, and that there is some ground for hesitancy as a mere matter of political expediency.”
This admirable and discriminating support of the
President finds another capital illustration in weighty words of his in answer to animadversions of
Prof. Francis W. Newman, of
England, directed against
Mr. Lincoln.
Says
Garrison: “In no instance, however, have I censured him (
Lincoln) for not acting upon the highest abstract principles of justice and humanity, and disregarding his Constitutional obligations.
His freedom to follow his convictions of duty as an individual is one thingas the
President of the
United States, it is limited by the functions of his office, for the people do not elect a President to play the part of reformer or philanthropist, nor to enforce upon the nation his own peculiar ethical or humanitary ideas without regard to his oath or their will.”
Great indeed was the joy of the pioneer when
President
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Lincoln on January I, 1863, issued his
Emancipation Proclamation.
The same sagacious and statesmanlike handling of men and things distinguished his conduct after the edict of freedom was made as before.
When the question of Reconstruction was broached in an administrative initiative in
Louisiana, the
President gave great offence to the more radical members of his party, and to many Abolitionists by his proposal to readmit
Louisiana to Statehood in the
Union with no provision for the extension of the suffrage to the negro.
This exhibition of the habitual caution and conservatism of
Mr. Lincoln brought upon him a storm of criticism and remonstrances, but not from
Garrison.
There was that in him which appreciated and approved the evident disposition of the
President to make haste slowly in departing from the
American principle of local self-government even in the interest of liberty.
Then, too, he had his misgivings in relation to the virtue of the fiat method of transforming chattels into citizens.
“Chattels personal may be instantly translated from the auction-block into freemen,” he remarked in defence of the administrative policy in the reconstruction of
Louisiana,
but when were they ever taken at the same time to the ballot-box, and invested with all political rights and immunities?
According to the laws of development and progress it is not practicable. . . . Besides, I doubt whether he has the Constitutional right to decide this matter.
Ever since the Government was organized, the right of suffrage has been determined by each State in the Union for itself, so that there is no uniformity in regard to it.
. . In honestly seeking to preserve the Union, it
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is not for President Lincoln to seek, by a special edict applied to a particular State or locality, to do violence to a universal rule, accepted and acted upon from the beginning till now by the States in their individual sovereignty. . . . Nor, if the freed blacks were admitted to the polls by Presidential fiat do I see any permanent advantage likely to be secured by it; for, submitted to as a necessity at the outset, as soon as the State was organized and left to manage its own affairs, the white population with their superior intelligence, wealth, and power, would unquestionably alter the franchise in accordance with their prejudices, and exclude those thus summarily brought to the polls.
Coercion would gain nothing.
A very remarkable prophecy, which has since been exactly fulfilled in the
Southern States.
Garrison, however, in the subsequent struggle between Congress and
Mr. Lincoln's successor over this selfsame point in its wider relation to all of the
Southern States, took sides against
Andrew Johnson and in favor of the Congressional fiat method of transforming chattels personal into citizens.
The elimination of
Abraham Lincoln from, and the introduction of
Andrew Johnson upon the
National stage at this juncture, did undoubtedly effect such a change of circumstances, as to make the Congressional fiat method a political necessity.
It was distinctly the less of two evils which at the moment was thrust upon the choice of the
Northern people.
The same breadth and liberality of view, which marked his treatment of
Mr. Lincoln upon the subject of emancipation and of that of reconstruction, marked his treatment also of other questions which
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the suppression of the rebellion presented to his consideration.
Although a radical peace man, how just was his attitude toward the men and the measures of the
War for the
Union.
Nothing that he did evinced on his part greater tact or toleration than his admirable behavior iu this respect.
To his eldest son,
George Thompson, who was no adherent of the doctrine of non-resistance, and who was commissioned by
Governor Andrew, a second lieutenant in the Fiftyfifth Massachusetts Regiment, the pioneer wrote expressing his regret that the young lieutenant had not been able “to adopt those principles of peace which are so sacred and divine to my soul, yet you will bear me witness that I have not laid a straw in your way to prevent your acting up to your own highest convictions of duty.”
Such was precisely his attitude toward the
North who, he believed, in waging war against the
South for the maintenance of the
Union, was acting up to her own highest convictions of duty.
And not a straw would he place across her path, under those circumstances, though every step bore witness to one of the most gigantic and destructive wars in history.
Garrison did not have to wait for posthumous appreciation from his countrymen.
His steady and discriminating support of the
Government, and his ardent sympathy with the arms of the
North won him appreciation in his lifetime.
Indeed, there came to him, if not popularity, something closely akin to it during the war. His visit to the capital in June, 1864, well illustrates the marvelous changes which had taken place in the
Union touching himself and his cause.
On his way to Washington the pioneer stopped over
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at
Baltimore, which he had not revisited for thirtyfour years, and where the Republican Convention, which renominated
Lincoln was in session.
He watched the proceedings from the gallery, and witnessed with indescribable emotions the enthusiastic demonstrations of joy with which the whole body of delegates greeted the radical anti-slavery resolution of the
Convention.
To the reformer it was “a full indorsement of all the Abolition fanaticism and incendiarism” with which he had been branded for years.
The jail where he had been held a prisoner for seven weeks, like the evil which he had denounced, was gone, and a new one stood in its place, which knew not
Garrison.
In the court-house where he was tried and sentenced he was received by a
United States judge as an illustrious visitor.
Judge Bond hunted up the old indictment against the
junior editor of the
Genius of Universal Emancipation, where it had lain for a generation, during which that guiltless prisoner had started a movement which had shaken the nation by its mighty power, and slavery out of it. “Eight or nine of the original jurymen who gave the verdict against
Mr. Garrison are still living,” wrote
Theodore Tilton, at the time, to the
Independent, “and
Judge Bond jocosely threatened to summon them all into Court, that
Mr. Garrison might forgive them in public.”
At Washington the pioneer's reception seemed to him like a dream.
And no wonder.
He was heartily received by
President Lincoln and
Secretary Stanton.
He was accorded the most marked attentions on the floor of both branches of Congress.
On every side there rose up witnesses to the vastness of the revolution
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which had taken place, and to the fact that the great Abolitionist was no longer esteemed an enemy of the
Republic but one of its illustrious citizens.
This was evinced in a signal and memorable manner a little later when the
National Government extended to him an invitation to visit
Fort Sumter as its guest on the occasion of the re-raising over it of the Stars and Stripes.
He went, and so also went
George Thompson, his lifelong friend and coadjutor, who was the recipient of a similar invitation from the
Secretary of War.
This visit of
Mr. Garrison, taken in all its dramatic features, is more like a chapter of fiction, with its strange and improbable incidents and situations, than a story of real life.
The pioneer entered
Georgia and trod the streets of
Savannah, whose legislature thirty-three years before had set a price upon his head.
In
Charleston he witnessed the vast ruin which the war had wrought, realized how tremendous had been the death-struggle between Freedom and Slavery, and saw everywhere he turned that slavery was beaten, was dead in its proud, rebellious center.
Thousands upon thousands of the people whose wrongs he had made his own, whose woes he had carried in his soul for thirty-five years, greeted him, their deliverer, in all stages of joy and thanksgiving.
They poured out at his feet their overflowing love and gratitude.
They covered him with flowers, bunches of jessamines, and honeysuckles and roses in the streets of
Charleston, hard by the grave where
Calhoun lay buried.
“ ‘Only listen to that in
Charleston streets!’
exclaimed
Garrison, on hearing the band of one of the black regiments playing the air of ‘ Old
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John Brown,’ and we both broke into tears,” relates
Rev. Theodore L. Cuyler, who stood by the side of the pioneer that April morning under the spire of St. Michael's church.
“ The Government has its hold upon the throat of the monster, slavery,”
Mr. Garrison assured an audience of nearly four thousand freedmen, “and is strangling the life out of it.”
It was even so.
Richmond had fallen, and
Lee had surrendered.
The early and total collapse of the rebellion was impending.
The Government was, indeed, strangling the life out of it and out of slavery, its cause and mainspring.
The monster had, however, a crowning horror to add to a long list of horrors before fetching its last gasp.
The assassination of
President Lincoln was the dying blow of slavery, aimed through him at the
Union which he had maintained.
Appalling as was the deed, it was vain, for the
Union was saved, and liberty forever secured to the new-born nation.
As
Garrison remarked at the tomb of
Calhoun, on the morning that
Lincoln died, “Down into a deeper grave than this slavery has gone, and for it there is no resurrection.”