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Chapter 27:
- General Joseph E. Johnston's prophecy of the fate of Tennessee.
-- character and extraordinary foresight of this commander.
-- how Tennessee was sacrificed to the attempted defence of Vicksburg.
-- Bragg's army flanked at Hoover's Gap.
-- it commences a retreat to Chattanooga.
-- expedition of John Morgan.
-- how it affected the Western campaign and embarrassed Burnside.
-- Morgan's circuit through Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio.
-- what he accomplished.
-- his anxiety for retreat.
-- cut off on the Ohio River.
-- terrible scenes in the attempt to swim the River.
-- capture of Morgan and the bulk of his command.
-- cruel and infamous treatment of the distinguished captive and his officers.
-- surrender of Cumberland Gap.
-- President Davis' commentary on this event.
-- recoil of serious charges upon the Richmond administration.
-- Burnside's invasion of East Tennessee.
-- Gen. Frazier in command at Cumberland Gap.
-- his correspondence with Gen. Buckner.
-- the defences of the Gap imperfect.
-- insufficiency of the garrison.
-- why Gen. Frazier surrendered it.
-- two lines of operations now opened against Chattanooga.
-- the battle of Chickamauga.
-- Topography of the country around Chattanooga.
-- movements of Rosecrans.--e threatens a flank movement towards Rome.
-- the Confederates evacuate Chattanooga.
-- Bragg's new line from Lee's and Gordon's Mills to Lafayette.
-- Longstreet's corps on the way from Virginia to reinforce him.
-- Rosecrans pursues the Confederates, and exposes himself in detail.
-- the lost opportunity in McLenore's Cove.
-- lines of Rosecrans' advance.
-- Bragg resolves to advance and attack him.
-- arrival of Longstreet with five brigades.
-- the enemy anticipates a flank movement by Bragg.
-- a severe encounter.
-- Cleburne's gallant charge.
-- the Confederate plan of battle for the next day.
-- Gen. Polk to open the action.
-- a strange delay.
-- a singular breakfast scene.
-- Gen. Bragg furious.
-- the Confederate right wing beaten back.
-- critical condition of the field.
-- Longstreet's attack.
-- he saves the day.
-- the enemy utterly routed.
-- Chickamauga a brilliant but unproductive victory
There was no Confederate commander so remarkable for long foresight and for the most exact fulfilment of prophetic words as
Gen. Joseph E. Johnston.
He was more profound than
Lee; his mind could range over larger fields; at all times of the war his cool, sedate judgments were so in opposition to the intoxicated senses of the
Confederate people, that he was
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rather unpopular than otherwise, and rested his reputation on the appreciative and intelligent, who steadily marked him as the military genius of the
Confederacy.
It remained for the sequel to justify the reputation of this greatest military man in the
Confederacy, who, cooler even than
Lee himself, without ardour, made up almost exclusively of intellect, saw more clearly than any other single person each approaching shadow of the war, and prophesied, with calm courage, against the madness of the Administration at
Richmond and the extravagant vanity of the people.
When the
Vicksburg campaign was decided upon at
Richmond,
Gen. Johnston then warned the authorities there that they should make choice between
Mississippi and
Tennessee; and in urging the retention of the latter State, he declared, with singular felicity of expression, that it was “the shield of the
South.”
In six weeks after the
battle of Murfreesboro, our army in
Tennessee was as strong as when it fought that battle, and, with ordinary generalship, might have driven
Rosecrans from the
State.
But when
Stevenson's division was sent to the lines of the
Mississippi,
Johnston saw the errour; he sent to
Richmond a protest against it, which he thought of such historical importance as to duplicate and to copy carefully among his private memoranda; and he then predicted that the
Richmond Administration, in trying to hold the
Mississippi River and
Tennessee, would lose both, and that the enemy, once pressing the northern frontier of
Georgia, would obtain a position that would eventually prove the critical one of the war.
With his forces reduced for the defence of
Vicksburg,
Gen. Bragg insisted upon regarding his army in
Tennessee as one merely of observation.
Rosecrans was in his front, and
Burnside, who commanded what was called the Army of the Cumberland, was in a position, by an advance towards
Knoxville, to threaten his rear.
In July,
Gen. Bragg occupied a ridge extending from Bellbuckle towards
Bradyville, very strong by nature on the right and made strong by fortifications on the left, in front of
Shelbyville.
An injudicious disposition of forces left
Hoover's Gap undefended by our army.
Rosecrans advanced upon
Hoover's Gap. Three brigades of Confederates moved rapidly up, and held them in the
Gap over forty hours. This position gained placed
Rosecrans on
Bragg's flank, who, to save his army, commenced a retreat, which was eventually continued to
Chattanooga.
As part of the general plan of action in the
West, and an important contribution to the success of
Gen. Bragg's retreat, we must notice here a remarkable expedition of the famous cavalier,
Gen. John Morgan, the
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effect of which, although its immediate event was disaster, was to create an important diversion of
Burnside's army, large detachments of which were drawn after
Morgan into and through
Kentucky, and to prevent that Federal commander from getting in rear of
Bragg's army at the time it was menaced in front by
Rosecrans, at
Shelbyville.
In the latter part of the month of June the command of
Gen. Morgan, consisting of detachments from two brigades, and numbering nearly three thousand men, approached the banks of the
Cumberland.
The passage of the river was weakly contested by three
Ohio regiments, which had advanced from
Somerset, Kentucky.
Gen. Morgan was obliged to build a number of boats, and commenced crossing the river on the 1st July.
By ten o'clock next morning his whole regiment was over the river; the advance proceeding to
Columbia, where, after a brief engagement, the enemy was driven through the town.
Passing through
Columbia,
Gen. Morgan proceeded towards Green River Bridge, and attacked the enemy's stockade there with two regiments, sending the remainder of his force across at another ford.
The place was judiciously chosen and skilfully defended; and the result was that the
Confederates were repulsed with severe loss — about twenty-five killed and twenty wounded.
At sunrise on the 4th July,
Gen. Morgan moved on
Lebanon.
The Federal commander here-
Col. Hanson-made a desperate resistance; placing his forces in the depot and in various houses, and only surrendering after the
Confederates had fired the buildings in which he was posted.
About six hundred prisoners were taken here, and a sufficient quantity of guns to arm all of
Morgan's men who were without them.
Rapid marches brought
Morgan to Bradensburg on the 7th July; and the next day he crossed the
Ohio, keeping in check two gunboats, and dispersing a force of militia posted with artillery on the
Indiana shore.
When the pursuing column of the enemy, which had increased now to seven regiments and two pieces of artillery, reached the banks of the river, it was to find the passenger boat on which
Gen. Morgan had effected a crossing in flames, and to see far back on the opposite shore the rear-guard of his force rapidly disappearing in the distance.
On the 9th July
Morgan marched on to
Corydon, fighting near four thousand State militia, capturing three-fourths of them, and dispersing the remainder.
He then moved without a halt through
Salisbury and
Palmyra to
Salem, where he destroyed the railroad bridge and track and a vast amount of public stores.
Then taking the road to
Lexington, after riding all night, he reached that point at daylight, capturing a number of supplies, and destroying during the night the depot and track at
Vienna, on the Jeffersonville and Indianapolis Railroad.
Leaving
Lexington, he passed on north to the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad near
Vernon, where,
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finding
Gen. Manson with a heavy force of infantry, he skirmished with him two hours as a feint, while the main command moved round the town to
Dupont, where squads were sent out to cut the roads between
Vernon and
Seymour on the west,
Vernon and
Lawrenceburg on the east,
Vernon and
Madison on the south, and
Vernon and
Columbus on the north.
From
Vernon Gen. Morgan proceeded to
Versailles, capturing five hundred militia there and gathering on the road.
From
Versailles he moved without interruption across to
Harrison, Ohio, destroying the track and burning small bridges on the
Lawrenceburg and Indianapolis Railroad.
At
Harrison he burned a fine bridge.
Leaving
Harrison at dusk, he moved around
Cincinnati, passing between that city and
Hamilton, destroying the railroad, and a scout running the
Federal pickets into the city, the whole command marched within seven miles of it. Daylight of the 14th found him eighteen miles east of
Cincinnati.
The adventurous commander had now performed a wonderful circuit; he had traversed two enormous States, destroying property, probably to the extent of ten millions of dollars; he had cut an entire net of railroads; he had paroled nearly six thousand prisoners, and thrown several millions of people into frantic consternation.
He had done his work, and the anxiety now was to escape.
It was no easy matter.
The country had been aroused, and it was reported that twenty-five thousand men were under arms to pursue or to intercept “the bloody invader.”
After passing
Cincinnati, the jaded command of Confederates proceeded towards
Dennison, and making a feint there, struck out for the
Ohio.
Daily were they delayed by the annoying cry of “Axes to the front,” a cry that warned them of bushwackers, ambuscades, and blockaded roads.
It appeared that every hillside contained an enemy and every ravine a blockade.
It was not until the evening of the 19th July, that the command, dispirited and worn down, reached the river at a ford above
Pomroy.
At 4 P. M., two companies were thrown across the river, and were instantly opened upon by the enemy.
A scout of three hundred men were sent down the river a half mile, who reported back that they had found a small force behind rifle-pits, and asked permission to charge.
The riflepits were charged, and one hundred and fifty prisoners captured.
A courier, arriving about the same time, reported that a gunboat had approached near our battery, and upon being fired upon had retired precipitately.
Gen. Morgan finding this report correct, and believing that he had sufficient time to cross the command, was using every exertion to accomplish the task, when simultaneously could be heard the discharge of artillery from down the river — a heavy, drumming sound of small arms in the rear and right; and soon front the banks of the river, came up three black
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columns of infantry, firing upon our men, who were in close column, preparing to cross.
Seeing that the enemy had every advantage of position, an overwhelming force of infantry and cavalry, and that his men were becoming completely environed, the command was ordered by
Gen. Morgan to move up the river double-quick.
Three companies of dismounted men, and perhaps two hundred sick and wounded were left in the enemy's possession.
The bulk of the command pressed rapidly to
Belleville, about fourteen miles, on a running fight, and commenced fording, or rather swimming, at that point.
Three hundred and thirty men had effected a crossing, when again the enemy's gunboats were upon them-one iron-clad and two transports.
It was a terrible adventure now to cross the river; but even under the hot fire a party of officers, headed by
Col. Adam R. Johnson, plunged into the stream, and commenced the struggle of life and death.
Of the fearful scene which ensued, one of the party writes: “The
Colonel's noble mare falters, strikes out again, and boldly makes the shore.
Woodson follows.
My poor mare, being too weak to carry me, turned over, and commenced going down; encumbered by clothing, sabre, and pistols, I made but poor progress in the turbid stream.
An inherent love of life actuated me to continue swimming.
Behind me I heard the piercing call of young
Rogers for help; on my right,
Capt. Helm was appealing to me for aid; and in the rear my friend,
Capt. McClain, was sinking.
Gradually the gunboat was nearing me. Should I be able to hold up until it came; and would I then be saved to again undergo the horrors of a Federal bastile?
But I hear something behind me snorting!
I feel it passing!
Thank God!
I am saved!
A riderless horse dashes by; I grasp his tail; onward he bears me, and the shore is reached.
Col. Johnson, on reaching the shore, seizes a ten-inch piece of board, jumps into a leaky skiff, and starts back to aid the drowning.
He reaches
Capt. Helm, but
Capt. McClain and young
Rogers are gone.”
Gen. Morgan was not of the fortunate party that escaped across the river.
With two hundred of his men he broke through the enemy's lines on the north side of the
Ohio, and continued his flight in the direction of New Lisbon, with the design of reaching the river higher up. Forces were despatched to head him off, and the brave cavalier, who had so often given occasion of surprise and mystery to the enemy, was, at last, brought to bay at a point on the river where there was no escape, except by fighting his way through, or leaping from a lofty and almost perpendicular precipice.
Here he surrendered himself and the remnant of his command.
Of the infamous treatment of this distinguished captive and his comrades, the following memorandum was made in the War Department at
Richmond, signed by
Lieut.-Col. Alston, as a personal witness: “They were carried to
Cincinnati, and from thence he [
Gen. Morgan] and twenty-eight of his officers were selected and carried to
Columbus, Ohio, where
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they were shaved and their hair cut very close by a negro convict.
They were then marched to the bath room, and scrubbed, and from there to their cells where they were locked up. The Federal papers published, with great delight, a minute account of the whole proceedings.
Seven days afterwards, forty-two more of
Gen. Morgan's officers were conveyed from
Johnson's Island to the penitentiary, and subjected to the same indignities.”
But these hardships and outrages did not break the spirit of these brave men. The very officer who made the memorandum quoted above, dared to write in his jail-journal this sentiment of defiance: “There are a hundred thousand men in the
South who feel as I do, that they would rather an earthquake should swallow the whole country then yield to our oppressors-men who will retire to the mountains and live on acorns, and crawl on their bellies to shoot an invader wherever they can see one.”
In the month of September occurred the surrender of
Cumberland Gap --a misfortune which
President Davis declared “laid open
Eastern Tennessee and
Southwestern Virginia to hostile operations, and broke the line of communication between the seat of Government and
Middle Tennessee” --and an event which some of the Richmond papers characterized as “one of the most disgraceful of the war.”
These serious charges demand a close investigation of the subject; and it will be seen that
Cumberland Gap is but another instance in which such charges, on a detail of facts, recoil upon the
Richmond Administration itself.
About the last of August, 1863, the
Federal forces under
Gen. Burnside, entered
Tennessee, and occupied
Knoxville on the 2d September.
A large part of these forces passed through the
Cumberland Mountains from
Kentucky into
Tennessee at
Big Creek Gap, forty miles south of
Cumberland Gap, which latter position was held by
Gen. Frazier for the
Confederates.
On the 21st August,
Gen. Buckner, who was in command of the Confederate forces in
East Tennessee, ordered
Gen. Frazier to hold “the
Gap,” which was an important protection to that country and to
Southwestern Virginia; stating, moreover, that if the enemy broke through between this post and
Big Creek Gap — the left and rear of
Gen. Frazier-he (
Buckner)would check them.
This despatch left
Gen. Frazier under the impression that he would be protected in his rear.
But on the 30th August
Gen. Buckner again despatched to
Frazier to evacuate the
Gap with all speed, to burn and destroy everything that could not be transported, and to report to
Gen. S. Jones at
Abingdon, Virginia, one hundred and twenty-five miles distant.
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Gen. Frazier was not satisfied of the genuineness of this order; he suspected some trick of the enemy; he had been left under the recent and emphatic impression that
East Tennessee was to be held; and he telegraphed in cipher to
Gen. Buckner, stating that he had about forty days rations, that he believed he could hold the position, and asking to be informed if his superiour insisted upon the order of evacuation.
The order was countermanded within twenty-four hours, and
Buckner's last instructions were to hold the
Gap.
Knoxville had at this time been abandoned; and
Gen. Buckner and his forces were at
Loudon, about thirty miles southwest of
Knoxville, at the crossing of the
Holstein or
Tennessee River.
Gen. Frazier prepared for a vigorous defence of the
Gap.
It was not the “easily defensible pass” which
President Davis declared it to be. There were three public roads uniting in it: the
Virginia Road, leading eastward to
Powell's Valley; the
Kentucky Road, running through the
Gap from
Knoxville into
Kentucky; and the
Harlan Road, leading along the north side of the mountain.
In consequence of the broken nature of the country, declivities, ravines, etc., the artillery commanded these roads very imperfectly.
The
Kentucky Road to the south at various points in its windings could be reached within range of the guns; but neither of the other roads could be commanded with artillery for a greater distance than about four hundred yards. Batteries were placed to defend these approaches.
But the character of the ground permitted an enemy to approach in many directions over the spaces between the roads.
The line of proper outward defences for the force in
Gen. Frazier's command was about two miles in circuit, which comprised the various rifle-pits placed at irregular intervals, as the surface indicated proper points for their location on or near the summit of the mountain.
An unfinished block-house in an isolated position, about a mile and a half from the
Gap, was defended by one gun. This position had a limited command of the space around it, owing to the steep declivity and broken ground; but as it commanded the works of the
Gap, it was important to prevent its occupation by the enemy.
The rifle-pits and artillery epaulements were very incomplete, owing to the rocky nature of the ground, the want of tools, and blasting powder, and the small force of workmen that could be spared from other necessary duties.
There were several approaches to the
Gap by ravines and depressions through which an enemy could throw a large force under cover of darkness or heavy fog. The chief defences had been prepared to meet a force on the north side; and these were the reliance of
Gen. Frazier when he expressed the opinion that he would be able to hold the position, as he anticipated an attack only from that direction.
Ten thousand men should have been assigned for the permanent defence of this position.
The fact was that the force at
Gen. Frazier's command
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amounted to seventeen hundred men, with one hundred rounds of ammunition.
Of the situation,
Gen. Frazier writes: “I will express the opinion arrived at, after a full knowledge of all the conditions, gained during a month, that an assaulting force, equal to the garrison could carry it
as easily as the open field, if guided, or informed of its weak points, by disaffected persons in the vicinity-especially during the prevalence of fogs, which greatly demoralized the men, who were unaccustomed to service and had never been in action.”
On the 4th September,
Gen. Frazier was informed that the enemy was in possession of
Knoxville, and had started a heavy force towards the
Gap, and was running the cars to
Morristown, within forty miles of his post.
He was also informed that a large force, said to be sixteen regiments and two trains of artillery, were at
Barboursville, Kentucky,
en route for the
Gap.
Not believing that so large a force of the enemy would be sent against him from
Knoxville until after successful engagement with
Gen. Buckner,
Gen. Frazier sent a cavalry regiment to meet the force said to be advancing from
Knoxville, engage it, and uncover its strength.
This force of cavalry, six hundred strong, was cut off, and compelled to retreat to
Jonesville, thirty-six miles distant.
On the 7th September,
Gen. Shackleford, who had approached the
Gap from the south side, demanded its surrender.
On the following day,
Col. De Coucy, who had come up with a brigade on the
Kentucky side, made the same demand on his part.
During the afternoon of the 8th September,
Gen. Frazier assembled his regimental commanders, and had an informal conference with them.
There was no council of war, and no votes were taken.
There was a division of opinion as to the course to be pursued, but the officers separated on the final understanding to make a determined defence and with the expectation that
Gen. Buckner would soon relieve the garrison.
On the 9th September reinforcements joined the enemy on the
Tennessee side, and
Gen. Frazier received a summons to surrender from
Gen. Burnside himself.
He had also received information about this time that the Confederate forces at
London Bridge had burned the bridge, and that
Buckner had retreated towards
Chattanooga.
Gen. Burnside's presence at the
Gap, so unexpected, was deemed by the garrison sufficient proof that he had nothing to fear from the Confederate forces further south, and that all hope of succour from
Gen. Buckner was at an end. In the afternoon of the preceding day,
Gen. Frazier had received a despatch from
Gen. S. Jones, commanding at
Abingdon, Virginia, to the effect that he should not give up the
Gap without a stubborn resistance, and that he would send a force which he thought strong enough to relieve the garrison.
Of what ensued on the reception of this despatch,
Gen. Frazier gives the following explanation: “I asked the courier if any troops had arrived
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at
Abingdon, or if it was known there that
Gen. Buckner had burned Loudon Bridge and retreated south, and also if they knew that
Gen. Burnside had moved north with a large force.
He replied, that there were no troops in
Abingdon, but some were expected, and that they were ignorant of recent operations in
Eastern Tennessee.
I thus perceived that
Gen. Jones was ignorant of my situation, and of the enemy's late movements, and knowing that the entire force under
Gen. Jones could not cope successfully with
Gen. Burnside, and that
Gen. Lee could not reinforce him to any extent, as
Gen. Meade was reported as pressing him, in
East Virginia, I concluded, if
Gen. Jones should attempt to relieve me, that the relieving force would be destroyed, and the occupation of the
Virginia salt works follow, of course.
The despatch of
Gen. Jones referred to I destroyed, fearing it might fall into the hands of the enemy, show the weakness of
Gen. Jones, and lead to an attack upon him to destroy these salt works.
I thus perceived that my command could effect nothing by a temporary resistance, and that even could I hope to cut my way out, and attempt an escape up the valley, I should be thwarted in the attempt without artillery or cavalry, as the enemy had a formidable force of these arms, and could cut me up, or capture my forces in detail.
I also reflected, that such a step, if partially successful, would draw the enemy towards
Abingdon, and probably result in extending their operations to that place; when a surrender of the
Gap would probably satisfy his desire for conquest at that time.”
About midday of the 9th September,
Gen. Burnside sent in a second demand for surrender, stating that sufficient time for consultation had been allowed, and that he had a force large enough to carry the position by assault, and wished to spare the effusion of blood.
After an attempt to make terms,
Gen. Frazier surrendered unconditionally.
The occupation of
Cumberland Gap gave
Burnside an uninterrupted line of communication from
Knoxville to
Chattanooga, and opened the way to the consummation of the plan of the enemy, which was to move against
Chattanooga on a double line of operations, and make there a new and formidable front directly against the heart of the
Confederacy.
The battle of Chickamauga.
Chattanooga is one of the great gate-ways through the mountains to the champaign country of
Georgia and
Alabama.
It is situated at the mouth of the valley formed by
Lookout Mountain and the
Missionary Ridge.
The first-named eminence is a vast palisade of rocks, rising twenty-four hundred feet above the level of the sea, in abrupt, rocky cliffs, from a steep, wooded base.
East of
Missionary Ridge is another valley,
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following the course of
Chickamauga Creek, and having its head in McLemore's Cove.
Immediately after crossing the mountains to the
Tennessee River,
Rosecrans, who was moving with a force of effective infantry and artillery, amounting to fully seventy thousand men, threw a corps by way of
Sequatchie Valley — a canon or deep cut splitting the
Cumberland range parallel-hoping to strike the rear of
Gen. Buckner's command, whilst
Burnside occupied him in front.
Buckner, however, was directed by
Gen. Bragg to withdraw to the
Hiawassee; and the enemy then commenced a movement against the
Confederate left and rear, showing plainly that he intended a flank march towards
Rome.
To save the
State of Georgia,
Chattanooga had to be abandoned.
Gen. Bragg, having now united with him the forces of
Buckner, evacuated
Chattanooga on the 7th September, and, after a severe march through the dust, which was ankle deep, took position from
Lee and Gordon's Mill to
Lafayette, on the road leading south from
Chattanooga, and fronting the east slope of
Lookout Mountain.
Gen. Bragg's effective force, exclusive of cavalry, was a little over thirty-five thousand men. But in view of the great conflict that was to ensue,
Gen. Longstreet's corps was on the way from
Virginia to reinforce him, and with this prospect it was determined to meet the enemy in front, whenever he should emerge from the mountain gorges.
During the 9th September, it was ascertained that
Rosecrans, supposing that
Bragg was retreating, had pressed on his columns to intercept him, thus exposing himself in detail, and that a large force of
Thomas' corps was moving up McLemore's Cove.
Cheatham's division was moved rapidly forward to
Lafayette in front; a portion of
D. H. Hill's corps occupied Catlett's Gap in
Pigeon Mountain (a spur of Lookout, about fifteen miles from
Chattanooga), flanking the enemy on his right; while
Gen. Hindman, in conjunction with
Hill, was ordered to attack the enemy immediately in the
Cove.
The attack was delayed; a day was lost, and with it the opportunity of crushing a column of the enemy; and when
Hindman, with whom
Gen. D. H. Hill had contumaciously refused to co-operate, and who had therefore to await the junction of
Buckner's command, was at last ready to move,
Thomas had discovered his error, retreated to the mountain passes, and thus rescued the
Federal centre from the exposed position in McLemore's Cove.
To understand the advance of
Rosecrans' army, it would seem that
Thomas' and
McCook's corps crossed the
Tennessee at
Bridgeport, marching over
Sand Mountain into
Will's Valley, and thence down McLemore's Cove in the direction of
Lafayette.
Crittenden's corps had crossed above
Chattanooga at
Harrison's, and was moved in the direction of
Ringgold.
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A portion of
Parke's corps of
Burnside's army, and a brigade of his cavalry; came down from
Knoxville to
Loudon and
Cleveland.
A council of war was held by
Gen. Bragg at
Lafayette, on the 15th, and it was resolved to advance towards
Chattanooga, and attack the enemy wherever he could be found.
By the 19th he had moved his army by divisions, and crossed it at several fords of the
Chickamauga, and bridges north of
Lee and Gordon's Mills.
Longstreet had reached
Ringgold in the afternoon of the same day. The reinforcements which he brought were five brigades of his corps, about five thousand effective infantry and no artillery.
It was contemplated by
Gen. Bragg to make a flank movement, and turn the enemy's left, so as to get his forces between him and
Chattanooga, and thus cut off his retreat, believing that the main force of the enemy was at
Lee and Gordon's Mills, and upon which he had intended to move.
But he was anticipated; and as lie was preparing for the movement the enemy commenced a counter-attack,
Thomas' corps making a desperate effort to turn the right wing of the
Confederates.
The attack was gallantly met by
Walker's division, whose troops broke through two lines, and captured two batteries.
But the enemy was largely reinforced here, and hurrying forward his multiplied numbers to recover his lost ground, when
Cheatham, who had been in reserve, moved forward with his veterans, and met the shock of battle.
It was a terrible, doubtful, and long encounter.
Our lines wavered before the desperate struggle of the enemy, and for three hours the fight was kept up with varied success.
It was near sunset when
Cleburne--“the
Stonewall Jackson of the
West” --who commanded a division in
Hill's corps, passed to the front over the bloody ground that had been so stubbornly contested by
Cheatham, charging the enemy up to the very breastworks.
A crashing fire of musketry from the enemy made
Cleburne's men reel, when forward dashed his batteries, and opened a terrific fire on the enemy's works, while the division charged with such impetuosity that the enemy recoiled, and were driven half a mile from their line of battle.
That night the
Confederate troops slept on the field surrounded by the dead.
No cheerful fire dispelled the gloom, and profound silence brooded over the field of carnage.
The proper commanders were summoned by
Gen. Bragg, and received specific information and instructions touching the disposition of the troops for the grand and decisive action of the next day. The whole force was divided for the next morning into two commands, and assigned to the two
senior Lieut.-Generals,
Longstreet and
Polk: the former on the left, where all his own troops were stationed, the latter continuing his command of the right.
Lieut.-Gen. Longstreet reached
Gen. Bragg's headquarters about 11 P. M., and immediately received his instructions.
After a few hours' rest, he moved at daylight to his line just in front of
Bragg's position.
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Lieut.-Gen. Polk was ordered to assail the enemy on the extreme right at day-dawn on the 20th, and to take up the attack in succession rapidly to the left.
The left wing was to await the attack by the right, take it up promptly when made, and the whole line was then to be pushed vigorously and persistently against the enemy throughout its extent.
At dawn,
Gen. Bragg was in the saddle, surrounded by his staff, eagerly listening for the sound of
Polk's guns.
The sun rose, and was mounting the sky, and still there was no note of attack from the right wing.
Bragg chafed with impatience, and at last despatched one of his staff-officers,
Maj. Lee, to ascertain the cause of
Polk's delay, and urge him to a prompt and speedy movement.
Gen. Polk, notwithstanding his clerical antecedents, was noted for his fondness of military ostentation, and carried a train of staff officers whose numbers and superb dress were the occasions of singular remark.
Maj. Lee found him seated at a comfortable breakfast, surrounded by brilliantly dressed officers, and delivered his message with military bluntness and brevity.
Gen. Polk replied that he had ordered
Hill to open the action, that he was waiting for him, and he added: “Do tell
Gen. Bragg that my heart is overflowing with anxiety for the attack-overflowing with anxiety, sir.”
Maj. Lee returned to the
commanding-general, and reported the reply literally.
Bragg uttered a terrible exclamation, in which
Polk,
Hill, and all his generals were included.
“
Maj. Lee,” he cried, “ride along the line, and order
every captain to take his men instantly into action.”
In fifteen minutes the battle was joined; but three hours of valuable time had been lost, in which
Rosecrans was desperately busy in strengthening his position.
It was 10 o'clock when the battle opened on the right wing of the
Confederates, and the command “forward” ran down their ranks.
Breckinridge moved forward with his division, but, after a severe contest, was pressed back.
Had the reserve ordered forward to
Breckinridge's support come up in time, the enemy's position might have been carried, and prevented the conflict of the afternoon.
As it was, notwithstanding the partial repulse, several pieces of artillery were captured and a large number of prisoners.
At the same time each succeeding division to the left gradually became engaged with the enemy, extending to
Longstreet's wing.
Walker's division advanced to the relief of
Breckinridge, and, after an engagement of half an hour, was also compelled to retire under the severe fire of the enemy.
The gallant
Tennesseans, under
Cheatham, then advanced to the relief of
Walker, but even they wavered and fell back under the terrible fire of the enemy.
Cleburne's division, which had several times gallantly charged the enemy, had also been checked, and
Stuart's division, occupying the centre and left of our line, detached from
Buckner's corps, had recoiled before the enemy.
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About three o'clock in the afternoon,
Gen. Longstreet asked Gen
Bragg for some of the troops of the right wing, but was informed by him that they had been beaten back so badly that they could be of no service.
Longstreet had but one division that had not been engaged, and hesitated to venture to put it in, as the distress upon the
Confederate right seemed to be almost as great as that of the enemy upon his right.
He therefore concluded to hold
Preston's division for the time, and urge on to renewed efforts the brave men who had already been engaged many hours.
The enemy had obtained some heights near the
Crawfish Spring Road, and strong ground upon which to rally.
Here he gathered most of his broken forces, and reinforced them.
After a long and bloody struggle,
Johnson and
Hindman gained the heights.
Kershaw made a handsome attack upon the heights, simultaneously with
Johnson and
Hindman, but was not strong enough for the work.
It was evident that with this position gained
Longstreet would be complete master of the field.
He therefore ordered
Gen. Buckner to move
Preston forward.
Before this, however,
Gen. Buckner had established a battery of twelve guns, raking down the enemy's line which opposed our right wing, and at the same time having fine play upon any force that might attempt to reinforce the hill that he was about to attack.
Gen. Stewart, of his corps, was also ordered to move against any such force in flank.
The combination was well-timed and arranged.
Preston dashed gallantly at the hill.
Stewart flanked a reinforcing column, and captured a large portion of it. At the same time, the fire of the battery struck such terrour into a heavy force close under it, that there were taken a large number of prisoners.
Preston's assault, though not a complete success at the onset, taken in connection with the other operations, crippled the enemy so badly that his ranks were badly broken, and by a flank movement and another advance the heights were gained.
These reinforcements were the enemy's last or reserve corps, and a part also of the line that had been opposing our right wing during the morning.
The enemy broke up in great confusion along
Longstreet's front, and, about the same time, the right wing made a gallant dash, and gained the line that had been held so long and obstinately against it. A simultaneous and continuous shout from the two wings announced our success complete.
The enemy had fought every man that he had, and every one had been in turn beaten.
The day had been certainly saved by
Longstreet; but. it is but justice to add that his masterly maneuver was followed up, and completed by
Gen. Polk, and that it was under their combined attack that the enemy at last gave up the field.
The enemy was totally routed from right, left, and centre, and was in full retreat to
Chattanooga, night alone preventing further pursuit.
Polk's wing captured twenty-eight pieces of artillery, and
Longstreet's twenty-one, making forty-nine pieces of cannon, both wings taking nearly an
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equal number of prisoners, amounting to over eight thousand, with fifteen thousand stand of arms, and forty stands of regimental colours.
The enemy's loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, could not have been less than twenty thousand.
Our own loss was heavy, and was computed by
Gen. Bragg as “two-fifths of his army.”
The enemy was known to have had all his available force on the field, including his reserve, with a portion of
Burnside's corps, numbering not less than eighty thousand, while our force was not fifty thousand.
Nothing was more brilliant in all of
Napoleon's Italian campaigns.
Chickamauga was equally as desperate as the battle of
Arcola; but it was productive of no decisive results, and we shall see that it was followed, as many another brilliant victory of the
Confederates, by almost immediate consequences of disaster.