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Chapter 2: Maryland's First patriotic movement in 1861.
On April 12, 186,
South Carolina fired on
Fort Sumter, and on April 15th
President Lincoln issued his proclamation, calling on the States for 75,000 militia ‘to maintain the
Union and to redress wrongs already too long endured.’
He did not specify the wrongs nor the period of endurance.
With the proclamation went out from the secretary of war a requisition on the governors of each of the States for the
State's quota of the 75,000 troops.
Virginia promptly responded by passing her ordinance of secession on the 7th, not, however, to take effect until it had been ratified by a vote of the people, to be cast on the 24th of May; and the governor of
Virginia,
John Letcher, moved
Virginia troops to
Harper's Ferry and ‘retook, reoccupied and repossessed’ that property of
Virginia which she had ceded to the
Union for the common welfare and mutual benefit of all the States, East and West, North and South.
Now that it was being diverted to the injury of part and the exclusive use of one section,
Virginia resumed the control of her ancient territory.
Had she had the power, she would have had the right ‘to resume possession, control and sovereignty’ of all the six States she had ceded to the
Union, northwest of the
Ohio river.
But, alas, her own children, born of her blood and bred of her loins, were foremost in striking at the heart and life of their mother.
The Northwest was the most ardent in ‘suppressing the rebellion,’ the forerunner of which had been independence from the
British nation and the right of self-government for the
English in
America, and had breathed into their nostrils the breath of Statehood.
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16]
With the defiance of old
Virginia, went that of
North Carolina,
Tennessee,
Kentucky and
Missouri, who spurned the demand of the government back of it for men and arms to make war on brethren, kinsmen and fellow citizens.
Kentucky tried the impracticable role of neutrality, but she was soon overrun by Federal troops.
Governor Hicks assured the people that no troops should be sent from
Maryland, unless it was to defend the national capital.
The mayor of
Baltimore,
George William Brown, also issued his proclamation, expressing his satisfaction that no troops would be sent from
Maryland to the soil of any other State.
‘If the counsels of the governor,’ he said, ‘shall be heeded, we may rest secure in the confidence that the storm of civil war which now threatens the country will at least pass over our beloved State and leave it unharmed, but if they shall be disregarded a fearful and fratricidal strife may at once burst out in our midst.’
So the governor and the mayor.
The first knew well that in the strife of the elements, which was about to burst, in which the foundations of the mountains would be broken up and the winds of the tempest would sweep the land, the cry of ‘Peace!
Peace!’
was but the whining of babes—for
Governor Hicks was no fool.
He was a shrewd, sharp, positive man. He knew what he wanted and he took efficient means to procure it. He wanted to save
Maryland to the
Northern States.
He believed the
Union was gone.
In the Southern Confederacy,
Maryland must, in his opinion, play a subordinate part and he, himself, fall back into the political obscurity from which he had been recently raised.
With the
North,
Maryland in possession of the national capital, protected by the
Northern navy through her bay and great rivers, would be a conspicuous power, and he, as her governor, would fill a distinguished role.
He knew that
Maryland was as ardently Southern as
Virginia.
The
Marylanders are the more excitable race.
They are ardent, sympathetic and enthusiastic.
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And they were afire at the threat of invasion of
Virginia.
Had the governor hinted at his ulterior hopes and designs—at his purpose to keep
Maryland quiet until she could be occupied by Northern troops and delivered, tied and manacled, to the
Union authorities—had he given open ground for suspicion of treachery, the
State would have risen, he would have been expelled, his government eradicated, and a revolutionary government of action instituted.
Mayor Brown was a high-minded, just and honorable gentleman.
But he was a lawyer and an old man. He was devoted to his State and to his city, and no purer patriot ever lived than
George William Brown.
But he believed in
law; he could conceive of nothing higher than law. Force to him meant riot, and in a great city riot always means arson, robbery, murder and license.
The mayor believed that with the police and the fire departments he could control revolution and subdue the fires of insurrection.
He faithfully did his duty as he saw it. He and his police commissioners tried to keep the peace, and in three months all were landed in Federal prisons, where they were incarcerated for fourteen months, beyond the reach of habeas corpus, without charge or indictment.
Maryland thus suffered ‘the crucifixion of the soul,’ for her heart was with the
Confederacy and her body bound and manacled to the
Union.
On April 18th a battery of United States artillery under
Major Pemberton, accompanied by six companies of unarmed
Pennsylvania militia, arrived by the Northern Central railroad from
Harrisburg at
Baltimore and marched via Howard street to the Baltimore & Ohio railroad station at Camden street, whence they were promptly dispatched to
Washington.
They were escorted through the city by a howling mob, who displayed secession flags (the
Palmetto flag of
South Carolina being conspicuous), and who emphasized their feelings by cheers for ‘
Jeff Davis and the Southern Confederacy.’
They were unarmed
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and as weak looking as a drove of cattle as the regulars escorted them through the streets.
But the telegraph flamed out the news of the secession of
Virginia, and at night the story of the capture of
Harper's Ferry by the
Virginia troops, with whom were Marylanders led by
Bradley Johnson.
The town was afire the night of the 18th.
From all quarters came tidings of troops from the North and West, concentrating on
Baltimore.
The efficient militia of
Massachusetts, under
Maj.-Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, a man of ability, vigor and executive capacity, were on the march to protect the capital and to save the nation.
The New York Seventh, the ideal soldiers of peace parades, but in reality a gallant and game set, was filling its ranks, its cartridge boxes and its haversacks, and standing at attention, waiting word of command and tap of drum.
Pennsylvania was rallying to the call of her great governor.
The Democracy of the
West, roused by
Douglas, was rising as one man to defend the flag, and one serried, unbroken line of steel stretched from the northeast corner of
Maine to the
Mississippi river, ready to march forward to invade, to crush and to conquer the
South.
There could be no misunderstanding as to the meaning of all this.
It meant
war—nothing but
war. War by one section on another.
War urged on by hatred, by malice, by greed, by desire for conquest, to overthrow institutions existing before the republic, to destroy a social order which had given the world soldiers, statesmen and philosophers, the peers of any who had ever lived.
The common people of
Maryland understood it. The plain people think with their hearts, and
hearts on questions of right and wrong are more unerring than heads.
They were all for the
South, and they were all for arming and fighting—fighting there on the spot—the first man or men who should presume to attempt to cross
Maryland to get at
Virginia.
But the upper class is always conservative.
The
ex-governors, the
ex-senators, the exjudges
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everywhere are always afraid.
The ‘have beens’ ever recur to the peaceful times when they directed affairs, and always will be abhorrent of noise, of tumult, of violence, of force and of change.
They cannot be leaders in revolution.
Maryland. at this crisis of her history was cursed by just such ‘conservatism.’
It was caused by her geographical position.
She could only follow.
She can never lead in such a crisis.
She lacked young leaders.
Kentucky was in a worse situation, for her leaders led her into the quagmire of neutrality.
Missouri was better off, for
Jackson and
Price on the one side and
Frank Blair on the other were positive men, and promptly ranged the people of the
State in arms, for their respective sides.
Maryland had sons who were educated soldiers.
Robert Milligan McLane came of soldier blood.
His grandfather,
Allan McLane, had been the comrade of Light Horse Harry in the campaign of
Valley Forge and had led the Delaware Legion, as
Lee had the Virginians.
McLane graduated at
West Point, served with distinction in the
Florida campaign, but after that left the army and entered politics in
Maryland.
He had served in the State legislature, as representative in Congress from
Maryland, and occupied a conspicuous place in the confidence of the
State rights Southern people of
Maryland.
George W. Hughes had served with distinction for many years in the army of the United States and had won the grade of colonel in
Mexico.
He was now living in affluence and retirement on his plantation in
Anne Arundel county.
The party of action, the young men, looked to these old soldiers for advice and leadership.
But they were too old soldiers to plunge into a fight without troops, arms, ammunition or a commissary department.
Bradley Johnson and other young men were ready, but they had neither the experience nor the knowledge to qualify them for immediate leadership.
So on the night of April 18, 1861,
Maryland was standing alert, braced up, ready to charge at the word.
Virginia
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had seceded, the
North was marching.
Maryland was the outpost to receive the first attack.
At that hour there was no division of opinion.
The State rights clubs had been flying the secession flag, the stars and bars of the
Confederacy, and the palmetto of
South Carolina.
The Union clubs had over their halls the stars and stripes; but during the afternoon of April 18th the
Union flags were hauled down and the
State flag of
Maryland everywhere substituted.
And the
black and
gold was everywhere saluted with cheers, with shouts, with tears.
The telegraph gave hourly notice of the approach of the enemy.
General Butler had left
Boston; he had passed New York; he had gone through
Philadelphia; he was on the
Susquehanna.
What next?
Maryland held her breath.
Through
New England their route had been an ovation.
Down
Broadway in New York the people went wild, as they did through
New Jersey and
Philadelphia.
There were eleven companies of
Massachusetts troops attached to the Sixth Massachusetts under command of
Colonel Jones.
At
Philadelphia an unarmed and ununiformed mob of Pennsylvanians, called a regiment, under
Colonel Small, was added to
Colonel Jones' command.
They came in a train of thirty-five cars and arrived at the
President street station at 11 a. m. Thence it was the custom of the railroad company to haul each car across the city, over a track laid in the street, to
Camden station of the Baltimore & Ohio railroad, a distance of a little over a mile.
Nine cars with seven companies got through to
Camden station.
But that was as much as human nature could bear.
The mob of infuriated men increased every minute and the excitement grew.
The stones out of the street flew up and staved in the car windows.
The drivers unhitched their teams, hitched to the rear of their cars and made all haste back to
President Street station, where had been left the unarmed
Pennsylvanians and the rest of the
Massachusetts regiment.
These men were marched out of the station,
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formed in front of it, and then moved in a column of fours.
toward
Camden station.
In the meantime the railroad track had been torn up, the bridge on the south dismantled and obstructed, and the march of the troops was necessarily laborious and very slow.
The streets were packed with a dense mass of infuriated and excited men, encouraged by the apparent retreat of the troops and the success of the opposition to them.
The foremost files had to force their way through this pack of humanity.
George William Brown, mayor of the town, with a gallantry and chivalry beyond imagination, for he was a Southern man and certified his fidelity by fourteen months imprisonment in Union dungeons, placed himself by the side of the captain of the leading company and forced their way through the crowd.
No man in
Baltimore was more loved, respected and admired than
Brown, and his escort of the ‘invader’ was submitted to while he was present.
But as soon as he had passed stones began to hail on the column.
The officers became rattled.
Instead of halting and confronting their enemy, they accelerated the step until the march became a half run. Then a pistol went off; then a musket; then two muskets, three muskets cracked, and citizens fell and died in their tracks.
Then reason fled.
The mob tore the muskets out of the hands of the soldiers and shot them down.
One man jerked the sword out of the hand of an officer and ran him through with it.
Frank Ward, a young lawyer, snatched the flag out of the hands of the color bearer and tore it from the lance, and while making off with it was shot through both thighs.
He survived though, to serve gallantly as adjutant of the First Maryland regiment, and is alive to-day.
Marshal Kane had gone to the
Camden station to protect the troops there, when news came of this melee on Pratt street. He swung fifty policemen down the street in a double-quick, formed them across the street in the rear of the soldiers and ordered their pursuers to ‘halt.’
They halted, and then with the mayor of
Baltimore
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in front, the
chief of police in rear, the baited, harried, breathless preservers of the
Union reached
Camden station, where they were loaded on trains and dispatched, panic-stricken, to
Washington.
Outside the city limits, however, after the danger had passed, some heroic soul signalized his devotion to the flag by shooting in cold blood
Robert W. Davis, a reputable and well-known citizen and merchant, whose crime was alleged to have been a cheer for
Jeff Davis and the
South.
That evening, April 9th,
Marshal Kane telegraphed to
Bradley T. Johnson at
Frederick: ‘Streets red with
Maryland blood.
Send expresses over the mountains of
Maryland and
Virginia for the riflemen to come, without delay.
Fresh hordes will be down on us to-morrow.
We will fight them and whip them or die.’
Johnson, since the failure of the conference convention of March to act, had been engaged in organizing companies of minute men to resist invasion, by bushwhacking or any other practicable method.
He had corresponded with the captains of many volunteer companies in the
State, and all were moving toward concert of action.
The receipt of
Kane's telegram was the match to the magazine.
By seven o'clock on the 20th the Frederick company was assembled, took possession of the moving train on the Baltimore & Ohio railroad to
Baltimore, and by eleven o'clock marched down Baltimore street to Monument Square. Monument Square was the forum of
Baltimore, where the citizens always assembled in times of peril to consult and determine that the commonweal should receive no harm.
They were the first reinforcements to
Baltimore.
Next came two troops of cavalry from
Baltimore county, and next the
Patapsco Dragoons from
Anne Arundel rode straight to the city hall and presented themselves to
Mayor Brown to assist in the defense of the city.
The afternoon papers of the 19th spread all over the
State during the next day, and the
State rose.
Early on the morning of the 20th the city council appropriated
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$500,000 for the defense of the city, to be used at the discretion of the mayor.
The banks furnished the money in two hours.
Capt. Wilson Carey Nicholas, with the
Garrison Forest Rangers—afterward Company G., First Maryland regiment, seized the United States arsenal at
Pikesville, where there was a deposit of antiquated arms and a considerable supply of gunpowder.
All the city companies of militia were under arms in their armories.
Col. Benjamin Huger, of
South Carolina, who had been in command at
Pikesville for some years, but who had just resigned from the army of the United States, was made colonel of the Fifty-third regiment,
Maryland militia, composed of the
Independent Grays and the six companies of the Maryland Guard.
The command was admirably instructed, drilled and officered, and a majority of its officers and men afterward served in the army of the
Confederate States.
The mayor issued a notice calling on all citizens who had arms to deposit them with the commissioner of police, to be used in the defense of the city, and upon all who were willing to enroll themselves for military service.
Under this call over fifteen thousand volunteers were enrolled and partly organized on Saturday, the 20th, and
Col. Isaac R. Trimble was assigned to command them.
The railroad stations and State tobacco warehouses were used for drill rooms.
On Saturday night the bridges on the railroads leaving north from
Baltimore were burnt or disabled by a detachment of police and of the Maryland Guard, acting under the orders of
Governor Hicks.
The governor was in
Baltimore during the attack on the troops and was carried off his feet and out of his head by the furor of the hour.
He gave the order to burn the bridges.
He afterward strenuously denied giving it, but he gave it.
On Sunday morning, April 21st, the
Howard County Dragoons,
Capt. George R. Earltree, came in, and by the boat two companies from
Easton, and news came that the companies from
Harford,
Cecil,
Carroll and
Prince
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George's were on the march.
Three batteries of light artillery were out on the streets, and the city was braced up in tense excitement.
Just after the people had gone to church on that day, about half-past 10, two men rode down Charles Street, in a sweeping gallop, from beyond the boundary to
Lexington and down
Lexington to the city hall.
They shouted as they flashed by, ‘The
Yankees are coming, the
Yankees are coming!’
Twenty-four hundred of
Pennsylvania troops, only half of them armed, had got as far as
Cockeysville, twenty miles from
Baltimore, where they had been stopped by the burnt bridges, and had gone into camp.
These couriers of disaster brought the news of this fresh invasion and it flashed through the city like an electric shock.
The churches dismissed their congregations, their bells rang, and in the twinkling of an eye the streets were packed with people—men and women in the hysterics of excitement pressing guns, pistols, fowling pieces, swords, daggers,
bowie knives, every variety of weapon, upon the men and beseeching them to drive back the hated invader.
In an hour
Monument Square was packed, crammed with such a mass of quivering humanity as has rarely been seen in human history.
Early that morning the mayor had gone to
Washington on a special train to see the
President and
General Scott at the invitation of the former to the governor and mayor to visit him for conference as to the best way to preserve the peace.
They arrived at an understanding that no more troops were to be marched through
Baltimore.
They were to be brought from
Harrisburg down to the
Relay House on the Northern Central railroad, seven miles north-west of the city, and thence by rail to
Washington.
General Scott proposed this plan to the
President,
if the people of Maryland would permit it and would not molest the troops. But if they were attacked, the general of the army said, he would bring troops from
Perryville by
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boat to
Annapolis and thence by rail to
Washington.
The President and
General Scott both seemed to take it for granted that the
Potomac would be blockaded.
Mayor Brown returned from
Washington with the assurance that the detachment at
Cockeysville would be ordered back, and that no troops should attempt to pass through
Baltimore.
The wires were all cut north of the city and all communication by rail or telegraph between the capital and the
Northern States was absolutely closed for several days.
The Eighth Massachusetts, with
Brig.-Gen. B. F. Butler, arrived at
Perryville on the 20th, took the steamboat
Maryland, and arrived at
Annapolis on the 21st.
On the 22d, the governor called an extra session of the general assembly to meet at
Annapolis on the 26th.
On the 24th the governor, ‘in consequence of the extraordinary state of affairs,’ changed the place of meeting to
Frederick.
On its meeting there
the Hon. James Murray Mason appeared before it, as a commissioner from the
State of Virginia authorized to conclude a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between the two States.
The legislature had been elected in 1859 and was charged with no mandate for revolutionary times.
Ten members from
Baltimore were elected at a special election held in that city on the 24th, in the place of the delegation returned as elected in 1859, but unseated on account of fraud and violence at the election.
The new members were the leading men of the town—merchants, lawyers, representatives of the great business of commerce and trade of a great city.
They were
John C. Brune,
Ross Winans,
Henry M. Warfield,
J. Hanson Thomas,
T. Parkin Scott, H.
Mason Morfit,
S. Teakle Wallis,
Charles H. Pitts,
William G. Harrison, and
Lawrence Langston.
It was evident in twenty-four hours that ‘conservatism’ would rule the councils of the general assembly, as it had done those of the governor, and that all the influence of that body would be exerted against any action by the
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State looking toward taking part in the revolution, which it was clear, was upon the whole country.
Captain Johnson had brought back his company from
Baltimore, armed with
Hall's carbines, an antiquated and rejected breechloader, and had got his men into some sort of shape.
He remained in
Frederick at the request of the
State rights members of the legislature to guard and protect them from the Unionists of the town, who were loquacious and loud in their threats against ‘the
Secesh.’
And the legislature was prompt to range itself on the side of peace and Union.
It met on the 26th of April.
On the 27th it issued an address disclaiming all idea, intention or authority to pass any ordinance of secession.
It appointed
Otho Scott,
Robert M. McLane and
William J. Ross commissioners to confer with the
President of the
United States and see what arrangements could be made to preserve the peace of the
State.
On May 6th these commissioners reported that they had had an interview with the
President, and that he had assured them that the
State of Maryland, so long as she did not array herself against the
Federal government, would not be molested or interfered with,
except so far as it was necessary for the preservation of the Union. But neither governor, general assembly nor commissioners to the
President had the faintest conception of the real state of things in
Maryland.
She was devoted to the
Union.
She was hostile to secession.
She abhorred the men who precipitated the
Gulf States into revolution.
She had no sympathy with slavery, for she had emancipated more than half her slaves and had established a negro
State of Maryland in
Africa, where she was training her emancipated servants to take control of their own destiny as free men, and this colony she supported by annual appropriations out of her public taxes.
There was no involuntary servitude in
Maryland, for as soon as a servant became discontented he or she just walked over the line into
Pennsylvania, where they were safely harbored and concealed.
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27]
Therefore there was no sympathy in
Maryland for the proceedings convulsing the
Southern States.
But the proclamation of the
President, calling for 75,000 men ‘to redress wrongs already too long endured,’ changed the whole situation in the twinkling of an eye. It was no longer union or disunion, secession or State rights.
It was a question of invasion and self-defense.
The President had declared war on her sister State.
Was
Maryland to support that war, or was she to stand by with hands folded and see her friends and kindred beyond the
Potomac put to the sword and the torch?
War on a State was against the common right.
The cause of each was the cause of all; and precisely as
Maryland had responded in 1775 to the cry of
Massachusetts for assistance, so now did the people of
Maryland, over governor, over general assembly, over peace commissioners, respond to the call of
Virginia.
The peace commissioners reported on May 6th.
On the 8th
Captain Johnson, having secured from
Mason an engagement that all troops that would go from
Maryland should be promptly received into the army of the
Confederate States, and from
Colonel Jackson, in command at
Harper's Ferry, permission to rendezvous on the
Virginia side, opposite
Point of Rocks, marched out of
Frederick to that place, crossed the
Potomac and reported to
Capt. Turner Ashby, then posted there with his troops of horse.
Ashby was to feed the Marylanders until further orders.
This pioneer company showed the way, and in a few days detachments of companies began to straggle in—the debris of
Trimble's fifteen thousand enrolled volunteers in
Baltimore.
Some marched with a semblance of order from Baltimore to the
Point of Rocks.
Some straggled in by twos and threes.
Some came in squads on the railroad.
But the
State was aflame and a steady stream of gallant youth poured into the rendezvous at
Point of Rocks and
Harper's Ferry.
By May 21st there were the skeletons of eight companies collected at
Point of Rocks:
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Co. A.
Capt. Bradley T. Johnson.
Co. B.
Capt. C. C. Edelin, at
Harper's Ferry.
Co. C.
Capt. Frank S. Price.
Co. D.
Capt. James R. Herbert.
Co. E.
Capt. Harry McCoy.
Co. F.
Capt. Thomas G. Holbrook.
Co. G.
Capt. Wilson Carey Nicholas.
Co. H.
Capt. Harry Welmore.
They were mustered into the service of the
Confederate States on May 21st and 22d by
Lieut.-Col. George Deas,
inspector-general on the staff of
Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, who in the meantime had superseded
Colonel Jackson in command at
Harper's Ferry.
Captain Johnson, as senior captain, refused to recognize the
Virginia authorities.
Relying on the promise of
Mr. Mason, he insisted that the Marylanders should be received into the army of the
Confederate States, and not into the army of Virginia.
On May 21, 1861,
Virginia was not one of the
Confederate States.
He believed that
Maryland ought to be represented in the army by men bearing arms and her flag.
It was impossible for her to be represented in the political department of the government; therefore it was of vital importance that the flag of
Maryland should always be upheld in the armies of the
Confederate States.
In these eight companies there were about five hundred men. They effected a temporary organization among themselves under their senior captain, and sent up through the regular channels to
President Davis their application to have their battalion organized into the army of the
Confederate States, with
Charles S. Winder, late
captain Ninth infantry,
U. S. A., as colonel, and
Bradley T. Johnson as lieutenant-colonel.