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Fragments of war history relating to the coast defence of South Carolina, 1861-‘65, and the hasty preparations for the Battle of Honey Hill, November 30, 1864.

‘In hazardous undertakings there is a necessity for extraordinary vigor of mind, and a degree of fortitude and confidence, which shall raise us above the dread of danger, and dispose us to take risks, which the cold maxims of prudence would forbid.’

[The excellences of the original essentials of manliness in one who has so notably exemplified them as has Major Courtenay, as defender and sustainer of right, in the fields of war and journalism, and so continuously in historical research and in municipal government—give earnest of the privilege of reprinting, in these pages, the following [63] contribution to the Sunday News, Charleston, S. C., in which it appeared November 6 and 13, 1898. Reference may be made also to another earnest contribution, published in the News, and reprinted in this volume, ‘Charles Colcock Jones’—an excellent biographical sketch. See ante, p. 32.—Ed.]

On St. Andrew's Day, 1864, near Boyd's Landing, in old Beaufort District, a desperate battle was fought and won by citizen soldiers of Georgia and South Carolina against enormous odds.

Thirty-three years have passed since, many of the actors in the honor and glory of that November day have joined the majority, yet no effort has been made to record this great military achievement at Honey Hill—to garner up even some of the details of this wonderful victory.

I have been requested at this late day to do this work; to correct erroneous official records; to unravel the now tangled and complex personal recollections of that eventful day. Many of the chief actors have ‘crossed over the river,’ memories of the events of that day are related differently by gentlemen who have no motive but the truth. Lapse of time has brought these results. I can only promise an impartial pen, and my closest attention and if I satisfy myself as to the truth, and the facts, I will write an account of this battle. It not, such information as may be possible.

Introductory to such battle narrative, it is properly in place here to recall the general military situation on the seacoast of South Carolina during those eventful four years; as well for the information of those at a distance, as for later generations of Georgians and Carolinians, that they may learn of the invincible spirit of their fathers, which, under every disability, kept inviolate the entire coast line from the Ashley to the Savannah, from the opening to the close of the struggle in South Carolina.

On November 7, 1861, a Federal fleet of seventeen ships and two hundred guns captured Port Royal—subsequently General T. W. Sherman took possession of its shores with a large army of occupation. From this commanding base the entire coast region of South Carolina, was from that day, possibly open to the army and navy of the United States; the Stono, North and South Edisto, Ashepoo, Combahee, Coosaw and Broad rivers and their tributaries, gave to the Federal forces short water lines to many vulnerable points in our exposed territory.

It appeared at first that the undisputed control of the ocean, and [64] access to these bold inland water ways gave to the Federal forces complete dominion in this region, the South having no ships for defensive service; yet despite these recognized advantages and our many disabilities, the enemy was kept at a safe distance all through the four years, by means of rifles and field artillery, and when their armed vessels ventured inland they were uniformly driven off, more than once with loss of ships and heavy casualties.

Against these short and fully protected water advantages, with an unlimited command of men, guns and vessels, operating from a military and naval base close at hand, we had for our base 103 miles of railroad between Charleston and Savannah, with its bridges seriously exposed at half a dozen points. To protect this long line we had practically only mounted riflemen (cavalry) and field pieces.

Our outpost service was maintained under serious difficulties, at every point of observation overlooking the enemy's water lines; from Stono to Broad River, we had to maintain our thin line of videttes, who kept watch through winter cold and rain, and summer heat, sand-flies and malaria.

These outposts were from eight to sixteen miles from the telegraph offices on the railroad line, communicating with headquarters; in case of alarms, these intervening distances, from picket stations to the railroad, were traversed by mounted couriers, so that several hours necessarily passed before news could be wired to the commanding general. From these outposts, not a few, but many incursions were made at great peril within the enemy's lines. These gallant enterprises were frequently rewarded by valuable information for department headquarters; the capture of officers and men proved also very advantageous. In this way we obtained the United States signal code, by Captain Mickler, Company E, 11th South Carolina Infantry, bringing off a signal officer from the station at ‘Spanish Wells.’

As the needs of the armies in Virginia and the West had to be supplemented with fresh forces, the troops in this coast region .were reduced to minimum numbers, infantry, cavalry and field artillery being ordered elsewhere; as a matter of fact, during 1863 and 1864, this extended coast line was held by a relatively small force of mounted men and light batteries, distributed at convenient points. Sections of two field pieces each were placed at intervals along this one hundred and odd miles of front, ready for rapid movement in any direction.

The limited infantry supports were stationed at Charleston and its [65] vicinity, with a restricted railroad transportation service for their movement outward in cases of emergency.

I have no space in this narrative for details of this gallant, self-sacrificing retention of our coast line, but the reader will find in that invaluable history, ‘Johnson's Defence of Charleston Harbor,’ page 277, ‘a calendar of events on the coast, January 9, 1861, to February 18, 1865,’ which records the numerous attempts to destroy our railway line, the enemy's objective point for four years, uniformly resulting in utter failure and defeat, as shown in this indispensable military record. This invaluable encyclopaedia of local military annals, as its title indicates, was intended to record the events of the war in Charleston harbor during a stated period; the author, however, in addition, kept a diary of such other events relating to our coast defence as was possible at the time, and so preserved what now proves to be of great value to the war history of those years; in this thoughtful and painstaking way this ‘calendar of events’ has been preserved to us. * * * * * *

An interesting chapter of war history is yet to be written of this unequalled defence of exposed coast territory between the railroad and seashore, below Charleston, marked, as it was, by conspicuous courage, patient endurance and a continuous self-sacrifice on the part of each and all, to say nothing of fighting successfully in numerous engagements against heavy odds. It was an unobserved, daily and nightly routine of arduous and exposed service, and it is due to the heroism and fidelity with which this duty was discharged that the honorable record has been indelibly made, that not a rail on our base line was ever disturbed by the enemy during four long years of frequent attempts and effective resistance.

Germane to the successful defence of this coast territory, and especially to the victory of Honey Hill, the officers and men on duty may well be remarked upon here. The rapid growth of the Confederate army to large dimensions soon exhausted the roster of graduates from West Point, Annapolis, Virginia Military Institute and Citadel Academy, then the only sources from which to secure educated military men. Relative to the whole number of officers in the armies of the Confederacy these were few indeed; their influence for good was felt and recognized during the struggle, but the fact remains that our armies were, necessarily, officered by civilians. From both classes, and especially from the civilians, officers were advanced to high positions, and won great distinction in the war, rising from [66] minor positions in battalions, squadrons and regiments to be general officers in highest commands, trusted leaders on large occasions.

In the civil war in England, two and a half centuries ago, among the same race of people, this fitness for command and leadership from civil life presented itself, and it is curious to read the great historian's comment on those far-off times.

Macaulay, in his eloquent tribute to Hampden, says: ‘It is a remarkable circumstance, that the officers who had studied tactics, in what was considered the best schools, under Vere, in the Netherlands, and Gustavus Adolphus, in Germany, displayed less skill as commanders than those who had been bred to peaceful employments, and who never saw even a skirmish until the civil war broke out! An unlearned person might be inclined to think that the military art is no very profound mystery; that its principles are, the quick eye, the cool head and a stout heart will do more to make a general than all the diagrams of Jomini! This, however, is certain, that Hampden, the great leader, who neither sought nor shunned greatness, who found glory only because glory lay in the plain path of duty, showed himself a far better officer than Essex, and Cromwell than Leslie.’

I think it may be stated with truth, that the peculiar character of our Southern life led largely to similar results. Every plantation, with its admirable organization and discipline; with its quartermaster and commissary departments, and the daily exercise of authority, trained Southern men unconsciously for leadership—the war developed and enlarged it.* * * * * *

The events of the war on the coast of Carolina, more so in Charleston harbor than elsewhere, presented the happy combination of trained officers with the ‘quick eye,’ ‘cool head’ and ‘stout heart’ from civil life, proving ever equal to new conditions in directing the varying fortunes of the unequal contest. A series of military object-lessons is prominently in view, and the recital of a few will suffice to make reply to the general allegations, ignorantly asserted, that Southern men are inert, and wanting in enterprise, energy and inventive genius; certain it is, that in these respects, as well as in skill, courage and endurance, no higher achievements in the military records of any nation have ever been witnessed than theirs.

Heavy odds in men and equipment were uniformly encountered, but the possession of one end of a causeway in our coast region, by [67] a few riflemen and a field piece, has many times stopped the advance of, and ultimately defeated, large numbers.

The first use in war of iron armor on this side of the Atlantic was Citizen C. H. Stevens's iron battery in the harbor of Charleston, in the early months of 1861, and when this invention was further developed, and in 1863, two years afterwards, was brought against Fort Sumter in a fleet of heavy ironclad ships, J. M. and T. D. Eason had meantime changed smooth-bore ordnance into rifled guns of heaviest calibre, with new projectiles which proved equal to, and had their full share, driving off this ironclad fleet and its heavy armament on April 7, and sinking one of these formidable new vessels; officers from civil life directing the guns for the most part.

The old-fashioned way of moving heavy guns in action with handspikes and many men was improved upon by the late Lieutenant-Colonel J. A. Yates's invention of a traverse with crank and cogwheels (an officer from civil life), which facilitated the easy movement of the heaviest guns, so that, with limited power, the aim could be kept on a moving object, and the fire delivered with accuracy and rapidity.

The application of torpedoes for the defence of harbors and waterways was the invention of Southern men, who actually put it to use in Southern waters as early as July 7, 1861, and from this and other primitive experiments have been developed the improved torpedo boats of the present day.

When the last heavy gun had been dismounted in Fort Sumter, and it was no longer useful as an artillery post, Major John Johnson, an engineer from civil life, utilized the debris of walls and parapets and other available material, and rendered the fort impregnable to the end of the war with an infantry garrison. ‘Difficulty was opportunity’—Fort Sumter was ‘kept virgin to the end.’

The ironclad Keokuk finally sunk off the southern point of Morris Island, three-quarters of a mile from the beach, after the fight of April 7, 1863. Her two 11-inch Dahlgren guns, thirteen and a half feet long, three feet in diameter at the breech, and weighing eight tons each, were taken from her turrets by the brave and indomitable Adolphus W. Lacoste in night work, with a force of Charleston artisans, almost from under the eyes of the Federal fleet, and both guns subsequently mounted on the harbor defences and used effectively. Details of these and other meritorious achievements will be found in Johnson's Defence of Charleston Harbor, a volume which [68] should be in every home in South Carolina, and throughout the South as well.

Light batteries of the highest efficiency helped to defend the long stretch of our exposed territory east of the railroad, and our cavalry did double duty; as cavalry they were rapid in movement, and, dismounting, proved the best of infantry on every occasion.

The battle of Honey Hill was the epitome, in essential particulars, of the whole four years of coast defence—‘the quick eye, the cool head, the stout heart,’ were surely there displayed, and with these the skill, courage and endurance nurtured in our four years school of adversity. * * *

The month of November, 1864, was relatively quiet, and without special interest on the coast of Carolina; the thin, grey line of soldiers on duty there had been informed of the great six months struggle in Virginia, and had been thrilled with the details of the continuous victories in the defence of Richmond. General Grant's campaign, which ‘took all summer,’ having entirely failed in its only object, the capture of Richmond. They had, too, looked on for months at the unequal conflict in Georgia; had seen the mistake of removing General Joseph E. Johnston from the command of that devoted army of the West, with its ‘lofty spirit and enduring heart;’ followed by the fall of Atlanta; and, finally, had witnessed the only army possibly available for the defence of three States, inexplicably—most strangely—dispatched in pursuit of a military mirage in Tennessee, where it was practically destroyed.

All lost! but by the graves
     Where martyred heroes rest,
He wins the most who honor saves—
     Success is not the test.

All lost! but e'en defeat
     Hath triumphs of her own,
Wrong's paean hath no note so sweet
     As trampled Right's proud moan.

It is a singular coincidence that the battle of Franklin was fought on the same day as Honey Hill. The people of Carolina and Georgia clearly realized the great disaster impending over their States; they knew the full significance of General Sherman's overwhelming army on its ‘march to the sea;’ every outward and visible sign was well calculated to depress, but the record of Honey Hill shows [69] no discouragement, rather a sterner motive and a more spirited fight than usual on that unequal field. * * * * *

The Genesis of the fight at Honey Hill.

General Sherman's column was on its ‘march to the sea,’ and on November 11th he telegraphed General Halleck: ‘I would like to have Foster break the Charleston and Savannah Railroad about Pocataligo about the 1st of December.’

Later in the month the following detail was made, which was ready on the 28th of November, and some troops did embark on that day.

United States forces, Army and Navy.

Gunboats.—Pawnee, Mingoe, Pontiac, Sonoma, Winona and Wissahickon.

Naval Brigade.—Composed of 500 sailors and marines, with twelve howitzers for duty ashore; Commander George H. Preble.

Artillery.—Batteries B and F, 3d New York, and Battery A, 3d Rhode Island, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel William Ames.

Infantry.—General E. E. Potter's ‘1st brigade.’ New York regiments, 56th, 127th, 144th, 157th; Ohio regiment, 25th; United States colored troops, 32d, 34th, 35th regiments; Colonel A. S. Hartwell's ‘2d brigade.’ Massachusetts regiments, 54th and 55th; United States colored troops, 26th and 102d regiments.

Cavalry.—A detachment of the 4th Massachusetts Regiment, under Captain George P. Hurlbut.

Recapitulation.

Men.
Navy—six gunboats, naval brigade, sailors and marines,500
Army—three batteries of artillery,300
Twelve regiments of infantry of 400 each,4,800
——
Total,5,600

The landing was made a secure base for their operations. The double-enders of the fleet lay in line, stern to stern, near the shore, presenting a broadside of nineteen heavy guns and sixteen howitzers.

A cavalry detachment, two squadrons, four companies, 200 men. Total estimated at from 5,500 to 6,000 soldiers for duty—all under command of Major-General J. C. Foster, U. S. A.

Orders were issued that the fleet should start before daybreak on the 29th, but a heavy fog settled over the river, preventing much [70] progress; at 4 A. M. it was clear overhead but still foggy and it was not until 8 A. M. that the advance naval vessels reached Boyd's Landing. The transports arrived later on account of the thick weather. After noon the creek was crowded with craft. General Foster appeared at 2 P. M. and General Potter at 3.30. He infused new life into affairs, an army of about 6,000 men; eighteen guns, horses and stores were to be landed, and it appears that all of the 29th was consumed in effecting this completely.

Having presented in detail the formidable character of the column of attack, and in view of the certainty of battle next day, we leave the Federals landing and making their preparations for the morrow, in order to report the condition of Confederate affairs on that eventful 29th of November.

Confederate situation November 29, 1864, A. M.

The military department of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida was that day under the chief command of Lieutenant-General W. J. Hardee, with headquarters at Savannah, Georgia; Major-General Samuel Jones, second in command, had his headquarters at Charleston, South Carolina.

The 3rd military district of South Carolina (extending from the Ashepoo to the Savannah river, and down to the coast), in which the enemy landed, and where the battle of Honey Hill was fought, was in command of Colonel C. J. Colcock, 3rd South Carolina cavalry, with headquarters at Grahamville, South Carolina. Lieutenant E. W. Fraser, A. A. G., in charge of district headquarters; Captain Louis D. DeSaussure, inspector of outposts on Colonel Colcock's staff, also on duty at headquarters.

In the temporary absence of Colonel Colcock, his duties devolved on Major John Jenkins, 3rd South Carolina cavalry, with headquarters at Pocataligo, South Carolina.

The old adage: ‘It is the unexpected that happens,’ was again experienced on this eventful morning, when six gunboats and a large fleet of transports, bearing a column of 6,000 men, infantry, cavalry and artillery, suddenly came in view of the vedettes on Broad river, on their way to Boyd's Landing. This was about 8 o'clock A. M.

I have already referred to the quiet conditions in November, along our coast front, and to the continuing depletion from this region, of its already limited forces, to meet the needs of the Confederacy elsewhere, and so the actual military conditions at that date may be best [71] presented by an enumeration of the troops of all arms available in the military district, in which the landing and succeeding battle took place.

The 11th regiment South Carolina infantry, Colonel F. Hay Gantt, Lieutenant-Colonel Allen C. Izard, Major J. J. Gooding, was the last infantry force on duty between Ashley river and the Savannah. In May, 1864, it was ordered to report to General Johnson Hagood in Virginia. Not an infantry soldier was on the coast between Charleston and Savannah after that date, except Company E, 11th S. C. V., Captain John C. Mickler, which was left on outpost duty and scouting up to June, 1864, when this company also joined its regiment in Virginia.

Cavalry—3d South Carolina, C. J. Colcock, colonel; T. H. Johnson, lieutenant-colonel; John Jenkins, major. Of this regiment the following companies and parts of companies proved available for service on November 29 and 30.

Company B—Archibald L. Campbell, captain; Saxby Chaplin, first lieutenant; C. G. Henderson, second lieutenant; Stobo Perry, third lieutenant; (from Colleton county), 51 men — was at John's Island, near Charleston; ordered to Pocataligo to relieve Company K, ordered to Georgia; it arrived at Honey Hill November 30, 8 o'clock A. M.

Company C—James M. Gregorie, captain; Jos. M. Farr, first lieutenant (commanding); T. Heyward Howard, second lieutenant (on other duty); Wm. N. Heyward, third lieutenant; (from Beaufort county), 20 men. A detachment on outpost duty in the vicinity, which assembled and reported for duty—Company E, H. C. Raysor, captain; J. P. Youmans, first lieutenant; H. W. Jaudon, second lieutenant; Isaac Bostick, third lieutenant; (from what is now Hampton county), 80 men—were at Pocataligo and ordered to Bee's Creek on 29th; went there promptly; advanced towards Boyd's until enemy was in sight and remained there until evening, actively skirmishing with head of naval brigade, which had advanced in that direction from the landing—by taking the wrong road.

Company I—John Lawson Seabrook, captain; T. Warren Mikell, first lieutenant; John M. Jenkins, second lieutenant; Benj. Bailey, third lieutenant; (from Charleston and neighboring sea islands), 20 men.

Company I (Rebel Troop) was in camp at Pocataligo, but had detachments permanently assigned at different points—ten men, under Corporal J. M. Seabrook, were at headquarters, ‘Adams [72] Run,’ as guides and scouts; another detachment was on outpost duty at Port Royal Ferry and adjacent posts; only one-half of the company could be ordered to Honey Hill—about 40 men; one-half of these while on the march were ordered to Mackey's Point on news that part of the enemy's fleet was approaching there. This accounts for only twenty men being in action of 30th at Honey Hill.

Company K—W. B. Peeples, captain; W. H. Hewlett, first lieutenant; Richard Johnson, second lieutenant (absent on special service); M. A. Rountree, third lieutenant (from Barnwell county); 75 men. Lieutenant Rountree states that Company K was under orders for Georgia; arrived at Grahamville evening 28th and bivouacked; hearing of landing on 29th, Captain Peeples, without waiting for orders, led his company promptly to the front to observe the enemy on Grahamville side, and, as senior officer present, took command and directed matters until Major Jenkins' arrival on the field later in the day. Total cavalry force, 246 men.

Artillery—Beaufort Volunteer Artillery, Captain H. M. Stuart; Lieutenants John Rhodes, R. M. Fuller, John Baker (from Beaufort, S. C.)—4 guns, 100 men—was at McPhersonville, north of Pocataligo Station.

Furman Light Artillery (Earle's Battery), Major W. E. Earle (recently promoted and on special service); Lieutenant James Furman, commanding; Lieutenant E. H. Graham; Lieutenant S. S. Kirby (sick in hospital); Lieutenant Anderson (absent on leave); Sergeant S. B. Scruggs, acting lieutenant (from Greenville and vicinity)—4 guns, 90 men—was at May River, between Bluffton and New River Bridge; marched thirty-five miles to Honey Hill, and arrived at sunrise of the 30th.

Lafayette Artillery—Captain J. T. Kanapaux; Senior First Lieutenant C. J. Zealy; Junior First Lieutenant A. Victor Kanapaux; Second Lieutenant T. W. Bolger (from Charleston)—4 guns, 135 men—at Bee's Creek field works.

Bachman's Battery, A. N. V. (had been recently ordered back to the State)—Captain W. K. Bachman; First Lieutenant James Simons; Junior First Lieutenant Rudolph Seigling; Second Lieutenant William Scherers—4 guns, 90 men—was at Pocataligo.

Summary.

It thus appears that of troops within reach of Boyd's on the 29th, there were of 3d South Carolina Cavalry, detachments of Companies [73] C and I, 40 men; Companies E and K, 155 men, arriving early on the morning of the 30th; Company B, 51 men. Total, 246 men.

Artillery—Beaufort, 4 guns, 100 men; Lafayette, 4 guns, 135 men; Bachman's, 4 guns, 90 men—325; and arriving early on morning of 30th, Earle's Battery, 4 guns, 90 men; total, 415 men. Total cavalry and artillery, 661.

With the uncertain movements of the enemy's vessels in Broad river, some of them mistaking Boyd's Landing and even higher up the river opposite ‘Mackay's Point,’ it was necessary to leave a garrison at ‘Old Pocataligo,’ and Bachman's battery was left there —90 men—Captain W. K. Bachman, commanding.

The works at ‘Bee's creek’ had to be garrisoned, as it was four miles, left-in-front, of our lines at Honey Hill, and protected one of the approaches to the railroad. The following assignments were made at this point: Beaufort Artillery, 25 men, 1 gun; Lafayette Artillery, 40 men, 2 guns; surplus artillerists (Lafayette) 60 men, equipped as infantry. Total 125.

Bolan's Causeway, leading from the ‘church’ on the enemy's left-centre on the Savannah turnpike, to the right and rear of Honey Hill breastworks, was guarded by one gun from the Beaufort Artillery, and 25 men. Total 240 men.

These dispositions of our limited forces left for duty at Honey Hill 246, 3d South Carolina cavalry, and 175 artillerists-421 men.

Two companies of the 3d South Carolina cavalry had only recently been transferred to Georgia to augment the forces in front of General Sherman's march, and a fourth, Company K, was on its way to Georgia when halted at Grahamville, S. C., on the 29th.

Having enumerated the disposition of the limited forces present for duty, my further purpose is simply to narrate events as they occurred on the 29th, and to show in the order of happening what was done that day in preparation for the impending battle on the 30th.

Between 8 and 9 A. M., when the fog lifted, the vedettes at and near Boyd's discovered very unexpectedly the vessels of the enemy moving up Broad river to that deep water landing. Lieutenant T. Heyward Howard, Company C, 3d South Carolina cavalry, was officer of the day, and promptly sent a courier to district headquarters at Grahamville, announcing the presence of the enemy in force.

Lieutenant E. W. Fraser reports receiving the information at 10 A. M., and adds:

As Assistant Adjutant-General of the 3rd military district, I was left in charge of headquarters at Grahamville, by Colonel [74] C. J. Colcock, commanding the district, with these special instructions, upon his leaving for Mathewes's Bluff on official duty in relation to General Sherman's march: “(1) In case of the enemy's landing or other unusual occurrence report the same to military authorities at Charleston and Savannah and to Major John Jenkins, at Pocataligo. (2) To inform him by courier, of anything of importance that might occur in his absence.” To make sure of having prompt information, Colonel Colcock established a line of couriers between Grahamville and Mathewes's Bluff. In obedience to these orders, upon receiving the news, telegrams were sent to General Hardee, at Savannah; General Jones, at Charleston, and Major Jenkins, at Pocataligo, announcing the presence of the enemy in large force; also a courier was promptly started to Colonel Colcock, with the information of the enemy's landing at “ Boyds.”

The courier was ordered to make all possible speed, and to urge the other couriers en route to like efforts. It was a ride of about fifty miles, and the communication reached Colonel Colcock at 5 P. M. the same day. I also requested Captain Louis D. DeSaussure to proceed to the front, observe the enemy's movements, and keep me informed of all occurrences, to enable me to communicate with department headquarters from time to time, and he rode to the front at once.

Major John Jenkins was in Charleston on official business, and as soon as he learned the news, rode to Grahamville in the cab of a locomotive specially fired up for his use, with Lieutenant William N. Heyward, attached to the artillery of the 3rd South Carolina cavalry, who was also in Charleston on official business.

Arriving at Grahamville in the afternoon, Major Jenkins at once took command of the district, relieving Captain W. B. Peeples, Company K, 3rd South Carolina cavalry, who, as senior officer, had been acting.

Upon taking command, Major Jenkins at once communicated with department headquarters and received the following order from General Hardee:

That the most determined resistance to check and delay the enemy should be made by the local troops; that General G. W. Smith, with an infantry force, was on the way and would be at Grahamville at sunrise, 30th.

Major Jenkins also received a telegram from General Jones, at Charleston, advising infantry reinforcements, 32d and 47th Georgia regiments, from that city, to arrive soon as possible. To which [75] Major Jenkins replied: ‘It is important that I should be reinforced to-night. Please hurry Harrison to Coosawhatchie.’

These orders were at once communicated to each command, and were received with enthusiasm.

Colonel Colcock, upon receiving the news, at once mounted his horse and started for Grahamville, stopping at Mr. Bostick's on the way to announce the news, and to explain his necessary absence the next day. Riding all night, he approached Grahamville in the early morning, passed his family in a wagon on the road seeking a place of safety from a battle about to be fought at their doors, and, without stopping, he bade them be of good cheer. He reached Grahamville after sunrise on the 30th and proceeded to the front to observe the situation.

Some idea of the military situation that morning may be formed from this circumstance: It is stated that seven companies of Colonel Colcock's 3d South Carolina cavalry, of about 700 men, were picketing the coast from Stono River to the Savannah, a front of about one hundred miles. Concerning the difficulties of a timely concentration of troops to meet this grave emergency I will give two incidents:

(1) Company B, 3d South Carolina Cavalry, Captain Archibald L. Campbell, was on John's Island, near Charleston. At noon of the 28th, an order came to report at Pocataligo ‘as soon as possible.’ The company took the road in fifteen minutes, Lieutenant Henderson being detailed to draw in distant vedettes and follow. The command rode on through the night and all next day, reaching Pocataligo at sunset of the 29th. After a short rest, the command was ordered to report at or near Boyd's Landing, and another night ride brought them to Bee's Creek works before daylight. From there Captain Campbell proceeded to Honey Hill. From John's Island, where Company B was on duty, was seventy miles by the most available roads.

(2) On the other side of Honey Hill, Earle's Battery was on duty on May River, near Bluffton. The battery received orders at 5 P. M. on the 29th to move promptly to Grahamville, and in a few minutes took the upper road and, passing through Hardeeville and Purysburg, arrived at Grahamville railroad depot before daybreak of the 30th; after feeding the horses and breakfasting the men, the battery proceeded to Honey Hill, several miles distant, arriving there at sunrise. After an all-night march of thirty-five miles and without rest, they went into action. In the United States war records and in other [76] accounts Earle's Battery is not recorded as engaged. It is mentioned here for the first time in print.

Topography—concentration of troops.

From Boyd's Landing there was a road towards Coosawhatchie, via Bee's creek, which had been for some time strongly fortified for infantry and field pieces to protect the railroad at that point. A second approach to the railroad was to the left of Bee's creek, via Bolan's Church and Honey Hill; this was a shorter line, and the one General Foster intended taking, as appears by the records since published. He believed it to be an open road. General R. E. Lee, as will be remembered, was in command of this department from November 8, 1861, to March 3, 1862, with headquarters near Coosawhatchie. He became very familiar with the topography of this section, and he located and ordered General T. L. Clingman, with his brigade, 8th, 31st, 51st and 61st regiments, North Carolina infantry, to build this line of field works, and this was done during that winter. The writer served in that neighborhood in 1862 and heard frequent disparaging remarks as to what these defences were ever built for. They eventually proved to be well located and quite useful, although washed by rains and from general neglect not in the best condition on the 30th November, 1864.

It was a perplexing situation. It could not be known with certainty whether the enemy would advance by Bee's creek or Honey Hill. Major Jenkins therefore ordered three guns of Stuart's Beaufort Artillery and two guns of Kanapaux's Lafayette Artillery from Bee's creek towards Grahamville, leaving three guns in the field works at the former point, one of Stuart's and two of Kanapaux's; part of Kanapaux's Battery had equipped as infantry for support; also ordered Bachman's Battery to be ready to move from Pocataligo in ‘quick time’ towards Bee's creek in case of need. It is probable that he did not know at this time of Earle's Battery, four guns, having been ordered to Grahamville by General Hardee. This disposition of our limited forces proved eminently wise in every respect on the 30th.

Captain Raysor states that his company, E, was at Pocataligo when word was received that the enemy were landing at Boyd's; he was ordered to go to Boyd's as soon as possible and ‘find the enemy.’ Captain Raysor says: ‘I proceeded forthwith; when I reached Bee's Creek in the afternoon I met some of Captain Peepie's [77] vedettes falling back, who reported Captain Peeple's command retiring toward's Bolan's Church, on the Savannah turnpike, before the enemy, advancing in heavy force on that point. I dismounted my men, sent forward a skirmish line, which soon met the enemy's skirmishers; we had a sharp fight with them until dark, when I fell back to a breastwork, still keeping out a line of pickets; in doing this the two picket lines came together with some firing and one of the enemy's pickets was captured,’ etc., etc.

From that excellent publication, ‘Emilio's History of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment,’ I find that ‘The Naval Brigade, Commander Preble, with eight howitzers, moved by hand, landed early and advanced to the road (leading to Bee's Creek) and pushed a small force to the right, which met a few of the enemy,’ etc. This was the force which Captain Raysor engaged.

It appears to have consumed the entire day, 29th, to land the troops, military stores and supplies, and most of the troops had been moved forward from the landing to the vicinity of Bolan's Church by evening upon the old road leading through this section to Savannah; at that point the road to Grahamville is at right angles to the Savannah road, and Honey Hill is distant about two miles.

When night closed in on the eve of battle Captain Raysor, Company E, was in front of the enemy on the Bee's Creek side, and Captain Peeples, Company K, next to the enemy, on the Honey Hill road. * * * * *

Looking back over these thirty-three years, there is one feature of that day's situation that is prominent in memory. Not only was the handful of soldiers quietly preparing to face fearful odds, but the small community of Grahamville was stirred to resistance! As soon as the news of the presence of the enemy became known, Captain George P. Elliott commissary of the post, appealed to the citizens, old and young, to organize a company and go to the breastworks; this was promptly responded to, and this small force was there during the day, mostly armed with double-barrel guns; among them was the venerable General John H. Howard. The writer recalls him readily, for he saw much of him in those days. He was a tall, heavy man, of perhaps three score and ten years; a warm-hearted, generous, high-toned citizen. He had raised Company C, of the 3d, and commanded it until he found his physical infirmities interfered with his duties, when he gave place to a younger officer.

During the afternoon of the 29th the monotony was too great at the breastworks, and General Howard mounted his horse and rode [78] down towards the enemy, armed with his favorite double-barrel gun loaded with buckshot. Joining some of the cavalry in observation, he rode towards the Federal troops and urged a near approach. When within range he opened fire with both barrels, and was in favor of charging down upon them, but the officer in command prudently withdrew his small force. I have heard the General express the regret that Broad River was between the enemy's camp and the mainland, and that we had no ships to go after them! I think his ambition was to sacrifice his life for the State and ‘the cause.’ He survived the war a few years, and, riding in his buggy to the ‘White Hall’ Plantation, where President Washington was entertained on his visit to South Carolina in 1791, without an enemy in the world, universally esteemed and respected, he was murdered and robbed by two negroes.

Georgia militia at Honey Hill and their gallant leader, General G. W. Smith.

Night had closed in; the column of attack, with their guns, stores and supplies, had been landed, and the main body had marched from the landing, and occupied the old Savannah dirt road, near Bolan's Church, as shown on the map, and erected field works to guard against attack from Bee's creek. At this time only a few field pieces and less than two hundred cavalry armed with short Enfield rifles were in their front, divided into two small commands, one on Bee's creek road, under Captain H. C. Raysor, the other on Hill road, under Captain W. B. Peeples. In the early morning of the 30th, as soon as Captain Raysor, Company E, found that the naval brigade had retraced their advance towards Bee's creek, he knew that the attack would be made on the Honey Hill road, and before daylight his company was put in motion for that point.

It was a night of watchfulness and anxiety—unless the expected infantry reinforcements arrived before daylight the fearful odds of more than twenty-five to one would be encountered in the morning. Every one of this small band of Confederate soldiers, in front of the enemy that night, deliberately made up his mind that the Federal army was to be held in check, whatever the odds, whatever the sacrifice-this Captain Peeples did with 120 men for three hours next morning.

That a record be made of the true situation on that eventful night, I introduce here proper mention of the distinguished officer, General [79] Gustavus W. Smith, C. S. A., in command of the Georgia infantry, that a statement of his own, may be permanently recorded with us, in regard to the occurrences of that night, and so correct the unfortunate misstatements made by another writer true in a somewhat jocular way, but doing great injustice to the general commanding, and to the brave soldiers from Georgia, who, by their gallant co-operation, made the victory of Honey Hill possible.

General G. W. Smith was a native of Kentucky, and graduated from West Point in the class of 1842. I append the ‘order of general merit’ at graduation of (subsequently) prominent members of that class, as a fitting introduction to this interesting narrative: 5. William S. Rosecrans; 8. Gustavus W. Smith; 9. Mansfield Lovell; 12. Alex. P. Stewart; 16. Martin L. Smith; 17. John Pope; 24. Abner Doubleday; 28. D. H. Hill; 40. R. H. Anderson; 41. Geo. W. Lay; 48. Lafayette McLaws; 52. Earl Van Dorn; 54. James Longstreet. He was assigned to the engineer corps and stationed at West Point as assistant professor of engineering until September 24, 1846, when he took the field in General Scott's column in Mexico and served until May 22, 1848; he was breveted for gallantry at Cerro Gordo and for gallant conduct at Contreras and Cherubusco; was promoted captain of engineers. After the Mexican war he served on the coast defences. He resigned December 15, 1854, and with General Quitman, was engaged in preparations for a military expedition in Cuba, but this was abandoned. In 1856 he took charge of the large iron interests of Cooper, Hewitt & Co. at Trenton, N. J.

When Fernando Wood was elected mayor of New York he induced General Smith to accept the position of street commissioner, which he held until May, 1861, when he and his deputy, Mansfield Lovell, of Maryland, resigned and joined the Confederate army at Richmond.

President Davis commissioned him major-general on September 19, 1861, and assigned him to the command of the ‘1st division, A. N. V.,’ composed of the brigades of Whiting, Hood,, Hampton, Petigrew and Hatton. He did gallant service in the Peninsular campaign, and commanded the army at Fair Oaks for a short time, when General J. E. Johnston was wounded and carried from the field.

About this time he was prostrated by a long and serious illness and was paralyzed. This he mentioned to Major Jenkins on the day of the battle when mounting a horse at Grahamville depot, which [80] proved too spirited for him, when the gallant major exchanged with him, loaning his own horse, which was easy going and safe-footed. This gave the General great satisfaction on their ride together to the battlefield.

He was appointed Secretary of War by President Davis, but served only a short time. In February, 1863, he took charge of a foundery in Georgia, casting cannon for the Confederate army. When General Sherman initiated his campaign against Atlanta in 1864 General Smith was chosen commander of the Georgia State militia, and was Governor Brown's right-hand man in those stirring times and remained with those troops until the end, proving himself a valuable officer and winning the entire confidence of the people of Georgia and the troops under his command.

State rights, 2 O'Clock A. M., November 30, 1864, at Savannah, Ga.

I make these extracts from General Smith's official report to General Hardee:

Upon arriving here, almost broken down with fatigue and want of rest, with officers and men similarly situated, I received, before leaving the cars, a peremptory order, from yourself, requiring me to take the militia of Georgia beyond the limits of the State, which was in direct violation of the statute organizing and calling them into service. I determined not to move either the militia or the (two small regiments of State line troops) beyond the limits of Georgia until satisfied in my own mind that necessity demanded it. In a personal interview with yourself (2 o'clock A. M.) you informed me that the enemy had moved out from Broad River, were encamped within a few miles of the Savannah and Charleston Railroad, threatening Grahamville and Coosawhatchie, and unless vigorously opposed would undoubtedly break the road at one or both of those points soon after daylight, and that the only force that you had in your whole command, which could by any possibility be brought upon the ground in time was two regular Confederate regiments from Charleston, and you believed these would be there too late, and that if I could hold the enemy in check until 2 o'clock P. M., and prevent them cutting the road before that time, several thousand troops from North and South Carolina, intended for Savannah, would arrive. In this interview I showed you my qualified authority from the Governor (Joseph E. Brown) to withdraw the Georgia State forces, under my command, [81] from Confederate service in case they were ordered beyond the limits of the State. After a full conference with yourself I was perfectly satisfied that for the purpose intended it was right and proper the movement should be made, and I gave orders accordingly. Notwithstanding some objections made by a portion of officers and men the order was willingly obeyed.

It is shown by the foregoing extracts from my official reports that the movement of troops through Savannah to South Carolina was settled upon between General Hardee and myself; not by General Toombs and General Taylor, as the latter would have it believed. General Toombs was chief of my staff. General Taylor had no command in this military department, and I heard nothing whatever of him during the time in question. ...

On reaching the depot to which I had ordered the trains to be transferred, I called around me about a dozen representative men of the command, briefly explained to them the necessity of our going beyond the limits of the State; told them the substance of what had passed between General Hardee and myself, and directed them to communicate this to the men, who were still in the cars, and let me know quickly what they said about it. The reply came in a very few minutes. Nearly all the officers said they were willing to go anywhere General Smith wanted them to go.

On receiving that message I told the representative men to go back and inform all concerned they were going to South Carolina because it was my order, and they would start in ten minutes, would be engaged in a hot fight before 12 M. that day, must win it, and would be brought back to Georgia within forty-eight hours. In a few minutes I heard laughter from every car, and at once ordered the conductors to put both trains in motion immediately. I stepped on the rear platform of the last car, and before reaching Grahamville Station passed through every car in both trains and let all the men understand that we were to protect the railroad from raiding parties and thus enable the Confederate reinforcements to reach Savannah.

In this critical emergency, involving large consequences in two States, General Smith did what every soldier may at any time have to do—he took the responsibility, regardless of orders. His conduct stands out in honorable mention in our war history, and no Georgian or Carolinian cognizant of this incident will ever be wanting in appreciation of his services living, or in respect to his memory now that he has ‘crossed over the river.’ [82]

General. Smith brought to the field the following Georgia infantry, mostly skeleton commands of reserve militia, and numbering possibly 1,100 or 1,200 men for duty: Portion of 1st brigade, Georgia militia, Colonel Willis; portion of State Line brigade, Colonel Wilson; the Athens battalion, Major Cook; the Augusta battalion. Major George T. Jackson.

From Charleston the 47th Georgia (veteran soldiers) arrived, and as a fair example of Confederate management and handling of troops, I let the gallant adjutant explain in his own words-only remarking that the news of the enemy's landing at Boyd's was known at headquarters in Charleston at 10 o'clock A. M., and the brave 47th Georgia (then on James Island, almost in sight of headquarters) was not ordered to move until 5 P. M.—seven hours lost time in a great emergency!

‘The order to march to railroad station in St. Andrew's came very late in the evening; the march was not begun until dark; I do not recall the distance, but we did not reach the station until 9 o'clock P. M.; there was some delay there, as it was “ration day,” and our wagons had been sent to commissary department for supplies; we had been assured starting that rations would be issued to us at station; after waiting until midnight, we left, hungry and without rations. The train arrived at Grahamville very early in the morning, just after daylight; here we waited fully two hours, without instructions of any kind whatever in what direction to march. We finally started, passing through Grahamville to the breastworks at Honey Hill. The men marched slowly, sullenly, for everyone was hungry, exhausted from loss of sleep, and vexed at their bad treatment-no rations yet! Not until the firing in our front became rapid and sharp was there any manifestation of the old esprit du corps. At Honey Hill we had for duty 300 to 350 men out of 1,000 we carried into Confederate service three years and a half before. Field and staff present: A. C. Edwards, colonel; Joseph S. Cone, lieutenant-colonel; Joseph C. Thompson, major; B. S. Williams, adjutant. Having no record, I cannot say from memory if any others of the staff officers were present. It is impossible to recollect the roster of company officers present that day.’

The appearance of the Federal gunboats at Boyd's Landing on November 29, A. M., 1864, was as genuine a surprise as ever happened. The 3rd military district had been depleted of soldiers, to meet the urgent needs elsewhere, and behind the thin line of pickets [83] that watched the miles of water front between Charleston and Savannah there were few troops in support.

I purpose to record the undaunted courage, the self-sacrificing persistence, and the wonderful achievement of a small band of citizen soldiers, who, at a moment's notice, volunteered to confront odds of forty to one, and did so successfully and with surprising results.

The late Hon. William Henry Trescot, speaking of the young men of South Carolina at the opening of the war, of whom these were worthy representatives, said: ‘The fathers and mothers who had reared them, the society whose traditions gave both refinement and assurance to their young ambition, the colleges, where the creed of Mr. Calhoun was the text-book of their political studies, the friends with whom they planned their future, the very land they loved, dear to them as thoughtless boys, dearer to them as thoughtful men, were all impersonate, living, speaking, commanding in the State of which they were children.’

That was written of the sentiment and feeling of the young men of South Carolina in 1861. Four years of bloodshed, sweeping losses of property, daily personal privations, had not changed the survivors; rather the intervening four years had intensified their earlier motives, and as clearly had not dulled their feelings. But I am only to write briefly of events which marked the twenty-four hours preceding the battle of Honey Hill on November 30, 1864, and must not linger by the way.

There had been a further requisition for a company of cavalry to go to Georgia, to strengthen the outpost service in front of General Sherman, Company K, Captain Peeples, was ordered there from Pocataligo, and Company B, Captain A. L. Campbell, both of the 3rd South Carolina cavalry, was ordered from John's Island to take their place. While both commands were in motion the enemy appeared at Boyd's Landing. Captain Peeples had arrived at Grahamville on the evening of November 28, and bivouacked for the night. On the morning of the 29th, while horses were being shod and the many details attended to, preparatory to active outpost duty in front of a large invading force, a courier on his way to district headquarters reported the enemy landing at Boyd's. Then came swiftly the ready order, in Captain Peeples's clarion voice, that could be heard a mile. ‘There was mounting in hot haste,’ and in a few minutes Company K, 75 men strong, were in a gallop down the Honey Hill road. There was no hesitancy, no waiting for orders; [84] straight to the front, to find the enemy, was every man's purpose. Arriving in view of the landing, this handful of soldiers deployed to observe the Federal troops, and every hour a courier rode to district headquarters at Grahamville, with information of the enemy's movements. This was telegraphed to the department headquarters at Charleston and Savannah by Lientenant Fraser, assistant adjutant-general, 3d military district. This landing of the Federal army, it should be noted, was known at department headquarters in Charleston and Savannah at 10 o'clock A. M. on the 29th.

The Federal army passed the entire day of the 29th in landing horses for their cavalry and field pieces, guns, military stores, etc., and their large infantry force, a total of 5,500 to 6,000 men. Their several commands began advancing in the afternoon, some, by mistake, as it appears, towards the Bee's Creek battery, covering the railroad at Coosawhatchie, but the main body took the old Savannah stage road, and occupied the ground for more than a mile and up to Bolan's Church. Captain Raysor, a meritorious and gallant officer, commanding Company E, of the 3d, met and checked this movement on the Bee's creek side; Captain Peeples and Company K retired slowly before the larger force, and bivouacked between Bolan's Church and the Honey Hill breastworks, passing the night in close observation of the enemy.

With the early dawn of the ever memorable 30th of November it was clearly ascertained that the whole Federal force would move on Grahamville; it was as clearly realized that a grave responsibility had to be met by Captain Peeples. His 75 men had increased during the afternoon and night to about 100; vedettes from various posts in the neighborhood, headquarters' details, men on furlough, did not wait for orders, but started for Boyd's as soon as they heard that the enemy was landing.

If there is anything higher in military character and conduct than these individual soldiers, instinctively riding from separate points toward the enemy, during the afternoon, night and early morning of November 29 and 30, I have never heard of it. Captain Peeples and Company K had done the same thing in a body in the morning.

Captain Peeples was reinforced, first with a gun from Kanapaux's Lafayette Artillery, under Lieutenant C. J. Zealey, and later a gun from Earle's battery, under Lieutenant Graham, both brave and skillful officers, with detachments of undaunted artillerists, ready like the dismounted cavarly, with their rifles, to make the last sacrifice, if necessary, but the enemy was to be held in check till the [85] latest moment. Every man was there in the spirit of Timrod's ‘Cry to Arms.’

Come with the weapons at your call—
     With musket, pike or knife;
He wields the deadliest blade of all
     Who lightest holds his life!

From Captain Louis F. Emilio's (U. S. A.) narrative of the battle the Federal advance under General Hatch began at 7:30 A. M., the 127th New York in advance, skirmishing. Bolan's Church was two miles from Boyd's Landing, and the Honey Hill breastworks were two and a half miles from Bolan's Church. The objective point of Captain Peeple's small force was to delay the enemy's advance until the expected reinforcements could arrive at Grahamville depot, march from the railroad down to the breastworks at Honey Hill, and get into position there. Besides the two guns of Kanapaux and Earle and the 100 dismounted cavalry of Captain Peeples, there were in the vicinity of Honey Hill at 7:30 A. M., when the Federal advance began, six other field pieces of the ‘Beaufort’ Artillery, and ‘Kanapaux’ and ‘Earle's’ batteries, also the 47th Georgia infantry, Colonel Edwards, 350 veteran troops, which had arrived at sunrise, as promised by wire from Charleston, and about 140 3d South Carolina cavalry of Company B, Captain Campbell, Company E, Captain Raysor, and detachments from Companies C and I. Adjutant Williams writes that the 47th Georgia waited hours at the railroad, with no one to tell them where to go—this fine infantry force certainly did not reach the breastworks until about 10:30, four hours after their arrival at the station. I mention these facts to show that more guns and infantry could have been put in front of the advancing Federal column, but Captain Peeples and his small force of men and two guns actually bore the brunt of this all-important resistance down the road; when towards the end of the unequal struggle some of the 3d South Carolina cavalry came to his assistance.

The guns of Lieutenants Zealey and Graham were the real weapons used, and the dismounted cavalry protected these pieces, and in many other ways retarded the advance. The enemy had to keep the road for some distance on account of the low grounds on either side, and here it was that the Federal advance was so seriously delayed. Lieutenant ‘Kit’ Zealey, of the Lafayettes, as he was familiarly called, was, it appears, quite an expert in estimating distances and cutting fuses to suit, and the bursting of shells in the crowded ranks on the causeway proved to be very damaging and [86] demoralizing. When Lieutenant Graham's gun, from Earle's Battery, came thundering down the road, unlimbered and went quickly into action, the confusion in the long lines of soldiers in blue, as the two guns distributed their favors along the causeway, was plainly visible. But there was all the while a slow yet steady forward movement of the columns in blue; finally solid ground was reached, and a deployment began, which, of course, would have in a short time enveloped the guns and the small infantry support unless checked. Colonel Colcock appeared at this point, and led his personal staff and force of couriers up to the front line in support of Captain Peeples. The enemy were rapidly closing in—some effective measure was imperative. The field through which the enemy was approaching was overgrown with tall broom grass; this was set on fire, and the wind being favorable, carried flames and smoke in a dense, stifling cloud into the faces of the enemy, who retreated precipitately in some confusion. I have evidence claiming that Captain Peeples directed the firing of the grass, and I have just as positive statements that Colonel Colcock ordered it done; the fact remains that it certainly secured an important delay, and saved two guns and the infantry supports. Colonel Colcock and Captain Peeples have both ‘crossed over the river’ since, but if both had been spared until now, I think the Colonel would have waived this honor in favor of his gallant captain and his brave comrades, who certainly were faithful and true those two days. The half hour gained enabled Captain Peeples' entire command to retire to the breastworks at Honey Hill, and take their positions where the line of battle had just then been formed, guns in place and every arrangement made to repel the enemy.

Quoting from a very fair and interesting account of the battle by Captain C. C. Soule, U. S. A., and originally published in the Philadelphia Times, he says:

During the action there seems to have been very bad management—the irresolution which allowed one piece (2) of artillery and one company of dismounted cavalry to hold in check for three hours an entire brigade—these faults cannot be overlooked.

I served with Captain Peeples on the coast and knew him well. He rode a handsome horse, which he loved as well as he did himself, and his saddle, bridle, bit and housings were very fine for those hard times in horse trappings, and were always kept bright and in order. At every point, in the bivouac, or on the march, he showed his fondness for the mounted service; even so far as to be thought [87] by some disposed to be ‘showy,’ but when ‘the tug of war’ came, and he led one against forty and held the line for three hours, Captain Peeples was on that front line, and his cool courage and untiring ceaseless energy accomplished wonderful results.

Captain Peeples survived the war, and lived for many years an honored and highly esteemed citizen of Barnwell county, holding offices of responsibility and trust to the satisfaction of his constituents. His death was universally regretted. It is a privilege, which I highly appreciate, that has enabled me, even at this late period, to write a line in memory of so gallant and loyal a Carolinian.

Wm. A. Courtenay. Innisfallen, August, 1898.

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