Interesting from the South.

The Liberty Pole at Charleston — The National Flag net Popular — Conservative Speech of Hon. A. H. Stephens at Milledgeville — The Cockade in the Pulpit, &c., &c.

The following interesting news is collected from our Southern exchanges:

A dispatch from Charleston to the New York Herald, dated November 17th, gives a fuller description of the raising of the "Liberty" pole there, on Saturday. It was put up near the Charleston Hotel, and the Palmetto flag was raised on it. The dispatch says:

‘ The pole was made of Carolina pine, one hundred feet high, and surmounted by the cap of liberty. Cables were stretched across the streets to prevent the passage of vehicles. There was a dense crowd, extending over two squares on Meeting street.

The neighboring house-tops were crowded with people. Thousands of ladies of the highest respectability thronged the balconies and windows, waving their handkerchiefs.--Impromptu stands were erected, and the principal merchants took seats. The flag was then hoisted, amid the tremendous cheering of the populace and the greatest excitement ever known here.

’ When the cheering succeeding the hoisting of the flag subsided, Rev. C. P. Gadsden made the following prayer:

‘ O, God! our refuge and strength, the shield of our help and the sword of our excellency, we come before Thee to express our dependence upon Thy succor, and our need of Thy guidance and defence. The liberties with which Thy protection blessed our fathers being imperiled, we ask Thy favor and aid. Inspire us with courage, with a spirit of self-sacrifice, with a love of law and order, and with dependence upon Thee. Bless our State, and her sister States, in this great crisis. May they act as becometh a moral and religious people. Consecrate with Thy favor the banner of liberty this day hung in the heavens. May the city over which it floats be in Thy gracious keeping. Shield our commerce on the seas, and protect our homes and firesides. May agriculture bring her stores to our mart, and order and quiet abide in our streets, if it be Thy will. Avert from our land the horrors of war; but whatever we may be called upon to endure be Thou our fortress and defence. Oh, God! our fathers have declared unto us the noble works which Thou didst in their days. Continue Thy goodness to us their children, and make us that happy people whose good is the Lord, through Jesus Christ, our Redeemer.--Amen.

’ After the prayer, speeches were made by Messrs. Barker, Robertson, Canneau, Hammond and Northrop.

The Washington Artillery paraded, and fired one hundred guns as the flag went up. Bells were rung and the band played the Marseilles Hymn. This fired up the French element of our population. After the Marseilles, the band played the "Miserere," from " Trovatore," for the Union. The flag is white, with a Palmetto tree in the centre, and bears the words "Animes assibusque parati. " At the same time the Charleston Hotel, the Mills House, and other large hotels, flung out the Palmetto flag. All this occurred in the full blaze of the noonday sun, and the people vowed that the stars and stripes should never wave again in Charleston. Then speaking began. The addresses were short but stirring, and all were from persons engaged in business, and who seldom meddle in public affairs.

This was emphatically a movement of the people and not of politicians. The speakers all addressed the crowd as ‘"Citizens of the Southern republic,"’ and said this was a pledge of Southern commerce to support the great movement of independence. During the speaking processions poured in from different sections of the city, with music and cannon, each saluting the Palmetto banner.

On the dwellings there are hung out banners with such mottoes as ‘"Now or never;"’ ‘"No step backward;"’ ‘"The argument is ended;"’ ‘"Stand to your arms;"’ ‘"South Carolina goes it alone — her trumps, McGrath, Colcock and Connor — with these she claims a march."’--The tricolor flag was hung out from the theatre, with the words inserted-- Dieu et nos droits.

Secession badges have become universal.--Even children are all adorned by mothers with the blue ribbon. All classes are arming for the contingency of coercion. Revolvers and patent fire arms are selling like hot cakes. Not a ship in the harbor has the federal flag flying, but far down the Bay it can still be discerned flying over Fort Moultrie.

There was another great demonstration tonight. The stand near the pole was beautifully illuminated. Speeches were made by Captain Thomas, of the State Military Academy, who assured the audience that the Cadets were ready at a moment's notice; also by Chancellor Carroll, and Messrs. Mikell, Cooper, Tennent, Kirkwood and others.

To-day the citizens are raising a great clamor for the banks to suspend now. It is supposed that it may be done about the middle of next week. The notes here, however, are as good as gold. The Bank of Charleston to-day hoisted the State flag. Notwithstanding the stringency in money affairs, the city is lively and business quite brisk.

The Convention will probably sit a week, but the first thing done will be secession.-- McGrath is much talked of as the commissioner to settle with the government the terms of secession. He is learned, firm and cool.

Public confidence in the success and beneficial results of the revolution grows stronger daily.

At Columbia, S. C., Saturday night, after the opera of Norman, Miss Annie Milner appeared with the Palmetto flag and sung the Marseilles hymn, slightly altered to suit the times. The effect was tremendous.

The Executive of South Carolina is daily in receipt of letters from various Southern States proffering the services of volunteers to the State, in the event of the secession of South Carolina. The Columbia Guardian says:

The following from Virginia, is accompanied by the subjoined tender, in form, signed by a number of citizens of Madison county:

Madison, C. H, Va., Nov. 9th, 1860.
To his Excellency the Governor of South Carolina--Dear Sir: On behalf of myself and those whose names are attached to the enclosed paper, I tender you our services, as stated in said paper. This is a copy taken by me from the original, which I retain for the purpose of enlarging the number. We expect to increase the number to fifty. Our people in this county, I think, are in favor of immediate secession, but need to be aroused. We have active friends, earnestly at work, whose labors are telling with striking effect. We have invited Gov. Wise to address us on the 22d. The subject will be publicly discussed next week in Greene, and the week after in Culpeper. I think it quite probable that a Convention of this State will he held. The immediate secession of one or more cotton States will greatly strengthen us in Virginia. We are looking with the greatest anxiety to South Carolina, and it would greatly cheer and strengthen us if we can be apprized that she will promptly secede.

Yours truly.

"To the Governor of South Carolina:--The undersigned citizens of Madison county. Virginia, believing that South Carolina will be the first to raise the standard for States-Rights and Southern liberty, against the encroachments of Northern fanaticism and Federal tyranny, do hereby tender their services to fight under her flag whenever she shall signify her wish to receive them, unless Virginia shall first require their aid.

‘"Nov. 8th, 1860."’

The nominations for the State Convention in South Carolina have commenced. In Richland and Sumpter districts the candidates nominated are ‘"all pledged to secession."’ In the latter district two of them are ministers of the Gospel. The excitement in Charleston continues. The Evening News of Saturday says:

‘ The first liberty pole that has ever been raised in the city, has been inaugurated to-day, amidst the smiles of lovely women, the hearty applause of men, the firing of cannon, and the sweet strains of music. Never have we seen the countenances of all express so much joy and pleasure as when the flag of South Carolina was raised to the truck of the lofty mast, and flung out to the winds at Heaven, bearing as it did our illustrious motto.--" animus opibusque parati." After a prayer by the Rev. C. P. Gadsden, speeches breathing the mast devoted patriotism were made by Col. T. G. Barker, Dr. F. M. Robertson, and Col. F. Canneau, who was speaking when we left. The enthusiasm of the day and occasion we have never seen equalled.

The flags are springing up like gay-colored flames all over Charleston. One has a full portrait of Hon. A. G. McGrath, late Judge of the United States District Court for South Carolina. On his left is a chair on which he has thrown the judicial robs, and on his right is a cannon which he has just fired. Above is the inscription, "The first gun for State action." On the other side is a Palmetto tree, with the Colonial and the State flag of South Carolina crossed on the trunk, and above is the following extract from a late address of Judge McGrath: "The time for deliberation has passed — the time for action has come."

Great meeting at Milledgeville.

There was a great and exciting assemblage Milledgeville, Ga., on Thursday night. The Mon. A. M. Stephens addressed the meeting in opposition to succession. We copy an abridged report of his speech from the Augusta Dispatch:

‘ "He maintained that it would not be dishonorable to hold office under Lincoln, because he would for at least two years be a mere locum tenens in the hands of the Senate, by whom every appointment must be confirmed, and who would, therefore, have power to appoint Breckinridge Democrats in the Cabinet, and other offices. He answered Mr. Toombs' argument against fishing bounties and navigation laws, by showing that the South had supported them, for the purpose of encouraging men to become sailors, and to build up our marine; but agreed with Mr. Toombs that the time had come when they should be repealed, and regretted that his distinguished friend, equalled in eloquence and power by no man in the Senate, had determined to resign. Instead of staying to labor for their repeal. He hoped his friend had made the declaration through his ardent impulsiveness, and would reconsider it.

"In regard to the protective advantages enjoyed by workers in iron, brass and wood, they were in accordance with a tariff agreed to by North and South--Massachusetts voting with South Carolina--and the name of his honorable friend was recorded among its supporters.

"The personal liberty bills, so justly odious to his friend, and to us all, had been on the statute books of the States a long time. They had not become so odious until now.

"He deplored the declaration of his friend, that he would appeal to his sword for redress, if his State denied it to him. (Here the stentorian voice of Mr. Toombs, who was sitting by the stand, was heard to say, 'I will,' and the hall thundered with applause in response to the revolutionary declaration.)

"He dwelt at some length on slavery as the cause of our difficulties, because it had been misunderstood — thought it was growing stronger every day, and he was willing to submit it even to the 'irrepressible conflict' of Seward.

"The feelings and passions of the audience were evidently stronger against Mr. Stephens than for him at first, but he was listened to attentively and greeted with much applause.

"At its close loud calls were made for Jackson — when Mr. Toombs ascended the stand, and waving his hat, said--Three cheers for my honored friend — than whom there is not a brighter intellect or truer heart in Georgia, and then let us adjourn."

This gallant act showed that though he differs with Mr. Stephens on public policy, he still cherishes him for the admiration which the noble qualities of his mind and heart command.

Mr. Jackson was compelled, by the calls for him, to speak, and replied to the allusions of Mr. Stephens, to the divisions at Charleston, and to other points which we cannot notice.

Some of the Committee who invited Mr. Stephens to speak, objected to Mr. Jackson's having the stand, when he stepped upon the top of a desk and proceeded amid a scene of confusion which was quite exciting, and came very near being serious.

The speech of Mr. Stephens in the main met the approval of those who are not for immediate action. His policy, if carried out, will either restore the Government to a constitutional basis or force us to a dissolution.

The Baptist State Convention of Alabama, in session at Montgomery, on the 14th inst., adopted a preamble and resolutions, presented by Rev. Basil Manly, which set forth the following:

‘ From the administration of the Federal Government, as things are — especially with reference to our peculiar property recognized by the Constitution — we can no longer hope for justice, protection or safety. We have supposed ourselves entitled to equality of rights, as citizens of this republic. We are not willing to surrender them, even at the risk of life and all we hold most dear. While, as yet, no particular mode of relief is before us, on which to express an opinion, we are constrained, before separation to our sacred homes, to declare to our brethren and fellow-citizens, before mankind, and before our God, that we hold ourselves subject to the call of proper authority in defence of the sovereignty and independence of the State of Alabama, of her right, as a sovereignty, to withdraw from this Union; and to make any arrangement which her people, in constitutional assemblies, may deem best, for securing their rights. And, in this declaration, we heartily, deliberately, unanimously and solemnly Unite.

Virginians in the field.

In Charleston, Friday night, Mr. Edmund Ruffin was serenaded, and replied by a speech. In speaking of North Carolina and Virginia, he said:

‘ We see North Carolina proverbially slow in joining in this cause; but I fully believe she will be with you before long. If North Carolina is slow, she is sure, and when she makes a move she can be depended upon. A portion of that State, I believe, was the first to proclaim the separation of the then existing union with the mother country. If the citizens of North Carolina claimed, as they did, to be sons of the patriots who declared independence in 1775, at Mecklenberg, and did not follow South Carolina, they would give the lie to their fathers, and show themselves spurious progeny of noble sires. [Applause] I do not believe that North Carolina will take that position.

As to Virginia, would to God I could give you a better account; but there are many reasons that do not influence you why the border States should hesitate before taking this step. He had pressed these matters upon his countrymen, but thousands were of the opinion that Virginia would be the battle ground. That was not my opinion, however. All these efforts in Virginia were to save the Union.

The Union is gone already, virtually. [Applause] If five or six States seceded, as there was every reason to believe they would, the Union was not only gone, but its repair was perfectly hopeless. [Applause.] The question had been changed. The question in Virginia would not be Union or disunion, but it would be, will you go to the North, your enemies, or will you go to the South, your friends! My friends, I venture to affirm that Virginia will not hesitate then. I would pledge my life for it, although. I have already pledged what is perhaps almost as dear as life. And if Virginia remains in the Union, under the domination of this infamous, low, vulgar tyranny of Black Republicanism, and there is one other State in the Union that has bravely thrown off the yoke, I will seek my domicil in that State and abandon Virginia forever. [Loud applause] If Virginia will not act as South Carolina, I have no longer a home, and I am a banished man. [Applause.] I hope, gentlemen, that my friends will excuse me from talking any longer. But, I will say, there is not one of you, young and ardent as most of you are, that has his cause more at heart than I have, or would make greater sacrifices to secure its success. [Loud and long continued applause]

’ The Columbia South Carolinian, speaking of the military preparations in that State, says:

‘ At Walhalla, a military company is organizing. At Pendleton, a company has been formed, styled "the Fort Hill Guards," eighty-seven strong, and Col. Walter Gwyan elected Captain. He leaves town this morning, with arms, accoutrements and uniforms for his company. A graduate of West Point, he served fourteen years in the United States Army, and in Virginia commanded in the volunteer service for eighteen years, where he had a regiment of fifteen companies.

’ The Montgomery (Ala.) Mail says:

‘ The whole indebtedness, to the North for goods is virtually and by common consent postponed until we all get straight at the South. In some places, lawyers send back Northern notes sent them for collection; everywhere business men refuse to pay such, on the ground that our interests at present require that we should have no draft on our resources. Besides this, specie is pouring into our Southern Banks, as we learn on the best authority.

Thus, after a very little while, our monetary affairs will become as satisfactory as ever; the coin will come from Europe, and cotton will command fair prices.

’ The Charleston Courier says:

‘ The difficulty lately experienced here in negotiating even the shortest exchange on New York and Boston, may have occasioned some temporary inconvenience, but its results, otherwise, have been most gratifying. Every steamer from the North brings in heavy consignments of gold in payment for our cotton. The stream of specie thus pouring in upon the community, must increase in a steady ratio with the causes from which it originated. Its recipients will naturally re-invest it in cotton and rice, and thus we may expect soon to see our State in a position of unusual financial strength.

Gov. Moore, of Ala., in his reply to a request of a committee of citizens for the call of the Legislature, says:

‘ In full view, and I trust a just appreciation of all my obligations and responsibilities officially and personally, to my God, my State, and the Federal Government, I solemnly declare it to be my opinion that the only hope of future security for Alabama and the other slaveholding States, is in secession from the Union. I deplore the necessity for coming to such a conclusion. It has been forced upon me, and these who agree with me, by a wicked and perverse party, fatally bent upon the destruction of an institution vital to the Southern States--a party whose constitutional rights we have never disturbed, and who should be our friends yet they hate as without a cause.

Should Alabama secede from the Union, as

I think she ought, the responsibility, is the eyes of all just men, will not rest upon her, but upon those who have driven her, in self-defence, to assume that position.

Senator Douglas on Lincoln's administration.

In a letter, replying to one from a number of citizens of New Orleans, asking his views relative to Lincoln's election, Senator Douglas says:

‘ "I do not anticipate, nor do I deem it possible in the present condition of the country, that, under the administration of Mr. Lincoln, any act can be perpetrated that would destroy or impair the Constitutional rights of the citizen, or invade the reserved rights of the States upon the subject of slavery; but, if I should find myself painfully mistaken on this point. I have no hesitation in expressing my deliberate conviction that such an outrage would not only make the Southern people a unit, but would arouse and consolidate all the conservative elements of the North in firm and determined resistance, by overwhelming majorities. In such an event, the South would occupy an impregnable position. With her own people united and animated by one sentiment — the unfaltering resolve to maintain and defend their rights and liberties, as won by the blood of their fathers and guaranteed by the Constitution of their country, they could safely rely upon the justice of their cause, and confidently expect the sympathy of the civilized word and the choicest blessings of Divine Providence while struggling for the right.

"Under these circumstances, I can perceive no just cause, no reasonable ground for such rash and precipitate action as would plunge into the horrors of revolution, anarchy, and bankruptcy, the happiest people, the most prosperous country, and the best government the sun of Heaven ever shed his genial rays upon. To those, if any such there may be, who look upon disunion and a Southern Confederacy as a thing desirable in itself, and are only waiting for an opportunity to accomplish that which had been previously resolved upon — the election of Mr. Lincoln may furnish a pretext for precipitating the Southern States into revolution. But to those who regard the Union under the Constitution as our fathers made it, the most precious legacy ever bequeathed to a free people by a patriotic ancestry, and are determined to maintain it as long as their rights and liberties, equality and honor are protected by it, the election of Mr. Lincoln, in my humble opinion, presents no just cause, no reasonable excuse, for disunion.

"Having discussed all the questions at issue freely and elaborately in my addresses to the people during the recent canvass, I do not perceive that any patriotic objects can be advanced by any further public discussions on my part prior to resuming my seat in the Senate. That the passions and animosities engendered by recent contests may soon give place to reason and patriotism; that calm and wise counsels may prevail, and fraternal feeling be restored; that the Constitution may be preserved inviolate, and the Union maintained forever, is the ardent hope and fervent prayer of your friend and fellow citizen,

"S. A. Douglas.

"New Orleans, November 13, 1860."

Cockades in the Pulpit.

The Clayton (Ala.) Banner says that ‘ on Sunday last the Rev. Alexander McLennon, of the Methodist persuasion, preached in the Methodist Church of that town, with "the tricolor rosette conspicuous on his vest."’

Hon. John Forsyth advertises in the Mobile (Ala.) Register for eighty able-bodied men.--He wishes to form a military company for the protection of the honor and rights of Alabama.’

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