The National crisis.

Interesting from the South--letter from Edward Everett — Comparative population of the Northern and Southern Confederacies — Washington dispatches.

The Montgomery (Ala.) correspondent of the Charleston Mercury, writing on the 2d inst., of the Cotton States' Convention, says:

Alabama's very equivocal invitation will bring a deputation from North Carolina, Tennessee, and perhaps other non-seceding States. What they will do here, it is difficult to say. Being in the Union, they cannot join in the deliberations to construct a Southern Confederacy. Their counsel and object doubtless will be delay — postponement; and in this policy they might support or make a party in the Convention, which may oppose immediate action and the organization of a Southern Confederacy. They will fail in their efforts, however, although they may foster discontent.

’ The Mississippi State Convention elected a full representation to the Congress to be established by the Provisional Government. They consist of the late members of the U.S. Congress, both in the Senate and House. It then sent deputies, to carry out here its other arrangements; which are, to elect, by this Convention, Senator Davis President of the Southern Confederacy, and to take the Constitution of the United States just as it is. The policy of Mississippi, I understand, extends no further. A permanent Constitution, for a permanent Government, is to be thrown over.--That is to be thought of at some future day, (as Mr. Seward says, ‘"one, two, or three years hence,"’) when the frontier States are in union with us.

I propose now to state to you the Georgia project. It is this: ‘That the Convention here shall elect a President of the Southern Confederacy. But a President without a Legislature which can create a Cabinet, foreign ministers, an army and navy, and raise the money to support them, is an useless absurdity. The Georgians, therefore, propose that the Convention here assembled shall assume all legislative power, and shall be a Senate and House of Representatives together, and shall levy the taxes, create the offices, and confirm he appointments expedient for a Provisional Government, with a Provisional Constitution to last for one year. And having done this, that the Convention shall then proceed to frame the permanent Constitution for the permanent Confederacy, to be submitted to the Conventions of the several States for their ratification or adoption. ’

The Charleston Courier of Wednesday, speaking of Fort Sumter, says:

‘ Much excitement was caused on Tuesday, in very credulous circles, by a report that Fort Sumter had been reinforced. We do not believe it, but our readers can decide for themselves. We have had conversation with a citizen who left Fort Sumter on Sunday, and had been engaged there (and at Fort Moultrie) since November, as a workman.

’ He reports forty-four laborers and ninety-six soldiers, (officers included,) remaining in the Fort, with a large supply of provisions.--Of these he specifies, according to his knowledge, fifty-eight barrels of pork and beef, five hogsheads of molasses, two casks of vinegar, with large supplies of flour and potatoes. The supply of fuel, which was good, had been lately increased by a drifting raft which was secured.

As to the arms, our informant reports five Columbiads, 10 inches, in the yard, mounted on granite, two ranging towards the city, one towards Sullivan's Island, and one towards Fort Johnson. There are also four Columbiads, eight inches, bearing on Fort Morris, three of the same calibre on 'Cummings' Point, and four that can be brought to bear on Mount Pleasant or Sullivan's Island at choice. No reinforcements in men have been received.

Letter from Hon. Edward Everett.

The following letter was read at the great Union meeting held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, on Tuesday:

Washington Feb. 2, 1861.
My Dear Sir:
--I much regret that it is not in my power to be present at the meeting to be held in Faneuil Hall next Tuesday. I have yielded, at the sacrifice of personal convenience, to the advice and request that I would prolong my stay at Washington, with a view to conference with members of Congress and other persons from various parts of the Union, who are uniting their counsels and efforts for its preservation.

The crisis is one of greater danger and importance than has ever before existed. Six States have declared their separation from the Union, and the withdrawal of the seventh is a probable event. The course of the remaining Southern States will be decided in a few days. They are under opposing influences.--A strong conservative sentiment binds them to the Union; a natural sympathy with the seceding States draws them to an opposite direction.

If they adhere to the Union there will be no insuperable difficulty in winning back the sister States, which have temporarily withdrawn from us; but if the Border States are drawn into the Southern Confederacy, the fate of the country is sealed. Instead of that palmy prosperity which has made us for two generations the envy of the civilized world, we shall plunge into the road to ruin. We must look forward to collision at home — fierce, bloody, deadly collision — not alone between the two great sections of the country, but between neighboring States--town and country, and embittered parties in the same city — and abroad we must submit to the loss of the rank we have hitherto sustained among the family of nations. Human nature is the same in all ages, and the future, now impending over our once happy country, may be read in the mournful history of the Grecian and Italian Republics, and in the terrific annals of the French revolution. To expect to hold fifteen States in the Union by force is preposterous. The idea of a civil war, accompanied, as it would be, by a servile insurrection, is too monstrous to be entertained for a moment. If our sister States must leave us, in the name of Heaven, let them go in peace.

I agree in the sentiment that the people alone can avert these dire calamities. Political leaders, however well disposed, are hampered by previous committals and controlled by their associates. The action of Congress, unless accelerated by an urgent impulse from the ultimate source of power, is too much impeded by the forms of legislation and tediousness of debate. There is no hope from the political parties of the country — agencies unhappily too potent for mischief, but, in the present extremity, powerless for good — except by a generous sacrifice of all party views, interest and ambitions to the public weal.

No, it is only by the loud, emphatic, unanimous utterance of the voice of the people, that the danger can be averted. Let the cry go forth from Faneuil Hall, and ring through the land, that the Union must and shall be preserved! [Great cheering.]

Your friend and fellow-citizen
Edward Everett.

Washington dispatches.

The United States troops now in garrison in this city, in the vicinity of the War Department, the President's House, and the Capitol, number nearly one thousand men. They can be seen, in undress uniform, strolling through all parts of the city, and seem to enjoy the change from fort and barrack duty to the bustling streets of the Metropolis. The statement in some of the New York papers that they were to be immediately dispersed on account of the gratifying result of the Virginia election is erroneous. On the contrary, other companies have been ordered here within the past few days.

The Navy Department are in receipt of voluminous dispatches from Flag Officer Pendergast, of the Home Squadron. In obedience to instructions sent by Col. Pickett, bearer of dispatches, the Commodore had directed the Sabine and St. Louis to proceed at once to Pensacola. These vessels will not enter that port unless they can do so with safety. In the event of the Captains of the Sabine and St. Louis not being able to enter that port, they are instructed to proceed to Hampton Roads, or act at their own discretion. The Commodore further says, ‘"I beg leave to state to the Department that I apprehend difficulties in regard to dispatches of the Department reaching me by way of New Orleans, and any dispatches reaching the Department, and therefore recommend that duplicates be sent by way of Havana, in care of Consul Helin. I may also find it necessary to move the squadron to Havana, and will there await orders, if I do not succeed in procuring money here.--I will, however, leave a small vessel at this port for the present." ’

Virginia's verdict is generally considered to have broken the back of secession. Its effect on the conservative majority of Northern men in Congress is to increase their disposition to arrange some compromise that shall strengthen the Border States in resisting the tide of secession in the South. Wm. C. Rives, in conversation to-day, cautioned gentlemen not to mistake the postponement for the abandonment of secession in Virginia. He said, ‘"We will secede if our difficulties are not composed upon an equitable basis, and Virginia will wait to see whether that basis be accepted or rejected, " "What basis?"’ was asked. ‘"The Crittenden propositions,"’ was the reply.

The speech of Mr. Bouligny, of Louisiana, in refusing to accede to the request of his Legislature, to withdraw from the House, not only produced a tremendous sensation at the

time, among the members and spectators, but has won for him the praises of conservative Union- loving men everywhere. After the House adjourned, Mr. Crittenden met Mr. Bouligny, and, grasping him with both hands, invoked God's blessing upon him, assuring him, that however much he might be cursed now by those who are disloyal to their country, he (Bouligny) would outlive them all in the affectionate memory of a glorious, Union loving, law-abiding people.

The Aid to Gov. Andrews, of Massachusetts, is in Washington, and called to-day on Lieut. Gen. Scott, it is understood, to tender to him, in the name of Gov. Andrews, the services of Massachusetts militia. Gen. Scott listened to the proffer, and then replied, that the Government needed no volunteers, and if needed, Massachusetts would not be called upon.

The Peace Convention held a four hour's session yesterday. Mr. Seddon, of Virginia, urged an immediate consideration of the Crittenden Compromise. A prolonged debate ensued, and finally, at the request of Mr. Guthrie, of Tennessee, the subject was laid over until to-day. Views as to the probable result of the deliberations of the Convention differ. The ultra Republicans are endeavoring to defeat compromise of any kind.

The two sections — their strength in 1860.

From the official census returns of 1860 are made the following tables of population in the North and the South, and in the Territories, showing the increase since 1850 in each section, and the alterations in the apportionment of members of Congress:

Population of the Northern Confederacy.

StatesPop'n. 1850Pop'n. 1860New Apportionment for Congr'ss.Old Apportionment.
N. Hampsh'e317,976326,07233
R. Island147,545174,62112
New York3,097,3943,851,5633033
New Jersey489,333676,03455
Increase in ten years5,496,590

Population of the Southern Confederacy.

Pop'n in 1850.Pop'n in 1860.Appor't
States.Free.Slave.Free.Slave.N. O.
No. Car580,491288,548679,965328,37778
So.Car.283,523384,984308, 186407,18546
Louis'na272,953244,809354,245312, 18644
Total population,free and slave,in 18509,612,915
Total population,free and slave,in 186012,433,409
Increase in ten years2,820,494

Population of Territories.

TerritoriesPop'n in 1850Pop'n in 1860
New Mexico61,54793,024
District of Columbia48,00075,321
Increase in ten years141,800


Total pop'n of Free States13,454,16918,950,759
Total pop'n of Slave States9,612,96912,433,409
Total pop'n of Territories120,901162,701
Total pop'n of U. States23,191,87631,646,869
Increase in ten years8,454,993

Heavy Rewards.

The City Council of Savannah have offered $500, and the British Consul $1,000 reward, for the apprehension of the parties concerned in the late outrage upon the captain of the British ship Kalos.

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