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Debate on the Queen's speech --remarks on the United States.

The addresses which followed the delivery of the Queen's speech, from distinguished British statesmen, are worthy of notice from the frequent reference made to American affairs — all speaking in terms of regret at the serious differences threatening the North American Union. The Earl of Sefton said:

‘ While all must regret to see so large and prosperous a community, which was so closely bound by every tie to ourselves, almost upon the verge civil war, they could not help feeling some alarm as to the effect which those events might have upon the importation of cotton into the manufacturing districts of the north of England; but at the same time it should be remembered that cotton could be obtained from other countries besides America, and he was happy to say that the subject was creating the deepest interest in Manchester, and he trusted in Liverpool also. Increased facility of communication and better modes of preparing cotton and bringing it to market would, he hoped, shortly place us in a position to obtain large supplies from our Indian possessions. There were also active efforts being made upon the coast of Africa, in the hope of creating a wide field of commercial operations in that quarter of the globe.

’ Lord Lismore, who seconded the address of the Lords, regretted secession as deeply; but, with the same clear sense, urged that England should look hereafter for her cotton supply to quarters where the political suicide of a foreign nation would not endanger their own prosperity:

"Knowing the extent to which we were dependent on America for the raw material of our greatest manufacture, he would urge on their Lordships the necessity of taking such measures in our colonial dependencies as would insure us a constant and ample supply of cotton."

The Earl of Derby, while expressing solicitude in regard to the supply of cotton, manifested a still deeper concern for the welfare of the Republic. He said:

‘ It is impossible not to feel the deepest concern at the threatened disruption of that great Union, as it must affect the happiness and welfare of that country. [Hear, hear.]--There is no man in this country who would not view with the deepest anxiety and regret the disruption of a community which, without claiming perfection for its institutions, and certainly under various disadvantages, has yet procured for its people an amount of prosperity almost unparalleled in the world, and an amount of personal freedom only inferior — and I think it is inferior [hear, hear]--to that enjoyed in this country. [Hear, hear.] But it is impossible to look at that threatened disruption — only possible to be effected at the cost of the horrors of civil war — without looking also at the effects it would produce on the manufactures of this country. Its first effects, at all events, would be most disastrous to one great branch of our industry. Unfortunately it does so happen — I trust it will not be long so — that we have been almost exclusively dependent on the cotton of America. It will be of the highest advantage, if the threatened disruption should lead those who are most deeply interested — I do not think the Government can interfere with their individual exertions — to turn their serious consideration to the best means of averting the danger involved in a failure of the supply of cotton from the United States by promoting an increased supply from other sources. Such a supply can be had in many parts of the world, provided means be taken for encouraging its growth and import. [Hear, hear.]

’ Of similar import was the language of Earl Granville, who spoke as follows:

‘ As regards the unfortunate dissensions in the United States, I may allude to one very remarkable instance of the feeling in this country on the subject. For years after the separation — which I would term unfortunate if it had not been followed by such signal prosperity, both in the mother country and in the colony — there was a feeling of rivalry between them, and of apparent jealousy at one another's success. The visit of the Prince of Wales showed that at the bottom the people of the United States entertained a hearty sympathy for the country from which they derived their descent, and the visit promised to exercise a valuable influence on the future relations of the two countries. A strong feeling of regret has been expressed throughout England at the dissensions between the Southern and Northern States. Foreigner after foreigner has come to me and said, ‘"You must be very glad to see this weakening of your great rival;"’ but not a single Englishman has made such a remark; and I believe that the affinity of blood does produce, and has produced, a strong degree of sympathy throughout England for a country which is almost as free as our own.

’ In England we enjoy this advantage — that the minority with us has ampler opportunities of expressing itself than it possesses under more democratic institutions. It is not for me to prophesy or to point out how these dissensions will end; but whether for the welfare of the United States or with a view to the future relations between the two countries, I believe it is the earnest desire of the English people that the quarrel should cease, [hear, hear,] and we wish it may terminate in the way which is most likely to insure the prosperity of this great and kindred nation.--[Hear, hear.] Respecting the production of cotton, I entirely concur with the advice given by the noble earl. It has now become more necessary than ever to extend the resources from which we derive our supplies of this article.

In nearly all the addresses grateful acknowledgments of the courtesies received in the United States by the Prince of Wales were mingled with expressions of condolence that the Great Republic should at the present time be so racked with dissensions.

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