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Evening session.

The Committee was called to order at 4 o'clock P. M.

Mr. Tredway resumed his remarks, proceeding first to correct any misapprehension which might have existed in reference to his reply to the gentleman from Bedford, (Mr. Goode,) this morning. The position which he occupied was not that ‘"nobody had been hurt"’ by the success of the Black Republican party, but that the prophesied evils had not come to pass. He went on the advise the policy of waiting until the experiment of the new Government shall have proved successful, before relinquishing one which had been acknowledged to be the grandest upon earth. The report of the Committee of Twenty-One distinctly takes the ground that the Southern Confederacy ought to be acknowledged. The gentleman from Culpeper (Mr. Barbour) had read from the London news, the organ of Exeter Hall, to show that England would recognize the new Confederacy. He (Mr. Tredway) thought it perfectly natural that England, the worst enemy of the South, should recognize any policy foreshadowing the destruction of this country. She dare not attack us united; but divided, it would be easier for her to carry into effect her cherished desire to conquer the continent. He called attention to the fleets now being fitted out by foreign Governments for the Gulf of Mexico. Spain might raise an issue in regard to Cuba, and France and England might desire to strike at the same time against some portion of the United States. --There were difficulties with Great Britain yet unadjusted, and all these things added to the dangers of division here. With regard to the credit of the United States Government, he read from an opinion of George Peabody, the London banker, showing the necessity of concessions on the part of the North and compromise on the part of the South, in order to preserve the credit of either section abroad, which would be inevitably destroyed in the event of a collision between the two.

The speaker contrasted the present statesmen of Virginia with those of former days.--Time had been when her great men had only to say to the troubled waters--"Peace, be still," and all agitation was hushed; but we had no such men now. We had politicians in abundance, who could harangue the people from the hustings, and they are getting the country into trouble, from which they cannot extricate it. John Randolph once said, ‘"you might make a Government to order, but that it would be impossible to regulate it."’ The Southern Confederacy had made a Government, but time would develop the difficulties of maintaining it.

Mr. Tredway contended that this Convention ought to make another effort of conciliation, though the Legislature might have considered the Peace Conference a final one.--This body came more recently from the people, and was the proper place for this question to be decided. He urged this point with energy, and counselled a calm view of the whole matter, avoiding excitements into which the human mind was too apt to be led. He pledged his co-operation with any party who would inaugurate a plan by which the Union might be reconstructed, and peace and prosperity restored to the country. He warned everybody against giving heed to politicians, and particularly to the newspaper organs of politicians. After some further repudiation of the politicians, he proceeded to consider the question, what could be done to save the country, and restore the seven stars to their places in the National constellation?--Virginia had said to the Government, you must not lay your hand upon the States which have seceded, as they had a right to do. In this she had been obeyed, and she still proudly held out the olive branch of peace.--She ought now to present her ultimatum, and tell the North she had preserved the peace, and she now demanded security for the future; saying also that she would make an honest effort to bring back the Southern States. Mr. Tredway thought it was too late to ask the advice of the border States. She ought to present her ultimatum, and if that were refused, upon the North would rest the terrible responsibility. Virginia would then go out with the sympathies of the whole world. He believed that nothing short of absolute self-protecting power would be sufficient as a guarantee for the security of the South in the future. It ought to be a principle in every Government that those who pay the taxes should have the power to protect themselves. He might be told that this would not be accepted by the North. This might be so; but still it was his duty as a Virginian to see that she demanded full and ample security. The Constitution of the Confederate States had been suggested here as an ultimatum. He regarded that as a very good Constitution for the Southern States, but he would not take it as a Constitution for the whole.

If the North refused to take Virginia's ultimatum, where should she go? He intended to exhaust every honorable effort to save the Union; but if the North refused to meet us in this spirit of conciliation, then he would say, unhesitatingly, go with the South.

Mr. Tredway closed by reiterating the assurance that if any man could present a feasible plan for the reconstruction of the Union, and a settlement of differences, he would willingly accept it.

Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, took the floor, and said he had some views to offer, but it would be utterly impossible for him to close this evening. He would, however, if there was no objection, commence his remarks, and conclude to-morrow.

No objection being made, Mr. Montague went on to congratulate the gentleman who had last spoken, for he believed he would soon be ready to go with him South. All the gentlemen who had spoken on the other side, admitted that the Government, as it now stands, does not give safety and protection to the South.

Mr. Baldwin.--As I am one of those referred to as having taken that position. I desire to place myself right. I assumed that the South was safe under the Constitution, with that Constitution under her control.

Mr. Montague said that there was then a difference of opinion upon that side. All the others had assumed that the crisis had arrived when these questions must be settled, and settled forever. The speaker proceeded to examine the principles upon which the Government was formed, and then to comment upon the positions assumed by Mr. Baldwin, and asked, if this Government had always been administered on Virginia principles, how it happened that he had always been warring against it, and denouncing these principles all the time? But he took issue with him, and went on to show that Virginia had not always sanctioned the measures of the Federal Administration, mentioning, among other things, the alien and sedition law.

Mr. Baldwin said the gentleman had strangely misapprehended his position. He had alluded solely to the measures of the Government in regard to the institution of slavery, and he had yet to learn that the alien and sedition law had anything to do with that institution.

Mr. Montague contended that he assumed a more general view, because he wrote the remark down at the time. Still, if the gentleman denied it, that denial would go forth to the country as an answer to the arguments he had advanced previously. Mr. Montague then rapidly glanced at various acts of the Federal Government, which Virginia did not approve or ratify, including the squandering of the public lands, on account of which there was now $42,000 to her credit, which she refused to receive; and after a brief argument to show that the theory advanced by Mr. Baldwin, that the majority should rule, was erroneous and untenable, he submitted a motion that the Committee rise.

The motion was agreed to, and the Committee rose and reported progress.

In Convention.

Mr. Goode, of Bedford, said that in obedience to the request of a portion of his constituents, he would present the proceedings of two public meetings in his county. One, which was held at the Court-House, he had been informed was very large and enthusiastic, and the resolutions were adopted with only five dissenting voices. The officers of the meeting were among the most respectable gentlemen of the county; and it gave him pleasure to announce that so far as he was concerned, his course would conform to the sentiments there expressed.

The resolutions (which favor immediate secession and protest against any change in the system of taxation at this time, &c.) were, at the request of Mr. Goode, laid on the table.

Mr. Harvie, of Amelia, presented a series of resolutions adopted by a large meeting of the citizens of that county — the largest he ever saw there; which resolutions, favoring immediate secession, and opposing any adjournment to a future day without settling this matter, were, he said, adopted with entire unanimity.

Laid on the table and ordered to be printed.

Mr. Holcombe, of Albemarle, desired to make a statement as an act of justice to his colleague, Mr. Southall. He understood that gentleman's position during the canvass to be precisely the same as that stated by him this morning. He did not hear his speech at Scottsville, but was satisfied, from the written as well as oral addresses of Mr. Southall, that the highly respectable gentlemen who composed that meeting were under a misapprehension.

Mr. Blakey, of Madison, presented a series of resolutions adopted by one of the largest meetings ever held in that county. He said the gentlemen who participated were of the highest respectability. They loved the Union, and would still adhere to it if it was to be administered in the spirit of the fathers; but they would never submit to Black Republican rule. The resolutions go for immediate secession, and oppose the sending of a representative to the next Congress, &c. Mr. Blakey moved that they be referred to the Committee on Federal Relations and printed.

Mr. Early, of Franklin, objected to burdening the State with the expense of printing resolutions which contain no instructions, and contemplate no action by this Convention. He protested against any such practice, and, after an allusion to the sentiments of the resolutions, asked if there was not a citizen of Madison who was now a candidate for a seat in the Black Republican Congress.

Mr. Blakey said that the gentleman from Franklin seemed very anxious to economize, but had just delivered a speech, the printing of which would cost more than the printing of the resolutions. He thought the gentleman was, in fact, averse to hearing the sentiments of his people; and that he not only wanted to gag the representatives on this floor, but desired to gag the people themselves. In his own course here, he (Mr. B.) did not need instructions, for he knew the sentiments of his constituents.

Mr. Early made a reply, and still protested against the printing of matter which had nothing to do with the business of this Convention.

Mr. Blakey merely asked that the resolutions should take the course which others had taken. With regard to the question previously asked by the gentleman, he would say that if there was a candidate for Congress in his county, he was not aware of it.

Mr. Morton, of Orange, advocated the motion to print and refer.

Mr. Hall, of Wetzel, called attention to the fact that the gentleman from Franklin had voted for the printing of a series of Black Republican resolutions heretofore offered in this Convention.

Mr. Early was not aware that any such resolutions had been offered.

Mr. Hall said he alluded to a series of resolutions offered by the member from Marshall, (Mr. Burley).

Mr. Dorman, of Rockbridge, said that as the member from Madison had incorporated the resolutions in his remarks, they would have been printed without a motion.

Mr. Borst, of Page, advocated the motion. A series of resolutions adopted in the city of Petersburg were ordered to be printed, and yet they contained no word of instructions.

The question was them put, and carried in the affirmative.

Mr. Nelson, of Clark, desired to correct some errors in the report of his speech in the Richmond Enquirer. He pointed out three or four; one of which was the name of a character of Scott's, Triptolemus Yellowley, which was printed Triptolemus Yellowleg.--Another, still more provoking, (for he had some regard for his position as a scholar,) was a quotation from Virgil, "Tantae, ne irae celestibus, " the concluding word of which was printed celestip. As it related to the ladies, he hoped the bus would be added. [Laughter.]

Mr. Montague, on behalf of the reporters, desired to say that the gentleman's speech was printed from his own manuscript! [Great laughter.]

Mr. Nelson acknowledged the fact, and admitted that his chirography was hard to decipher.

These important matters having been disposed of--

On motion of Mr. Dorman, the Convention adjourned.

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