Secession movement at the South.

Message of Gov. Gist, of S. C.--speech of Ex-Governor Adams--letter from John M. Betts, &c.

The election of delegates to the State Convention took place in South Carolina on Friday last. Out of the twenty-two members elected from Charleston, seventeen of them have given the following pledge:

‘ "1. That the Convention when assembled should withdraw South Carolina from the Confederacy of the United States, as soon as the ordinance of secession can be framed and adopted.

"2. That after South Carolina withdraws from the Confederacy of the United States she should never be re-united with any of the non-slave holding States of this Union in any form of government whatever."

’ Fourteen of the gentlemen elected, says the Charleston Mercury, are of the old Secession party, and seven of the old Co-operation party — although it must be said no issue was made in the election between these old parties.

Gov. Gist has sent in the following message to the South Carolina Legislature:

‘ Allow me, in this, my last communication, a parting word. South Carolina, after many long years of earnest but fruitless efforts to arrest the progress of fanaticism and stay the hand of aggression upon her rights by the Northern States of the Confederacy; after vain remonstration and solemn assurance that a free people would never submit to inequality and degradation, has at last determined, with unparalleled unanimity, to sever the bonds that bind her to those States, and part company with those that treat her citizens rather as aliens and enemies than as friends and brethren. The comparatively small Star which represents her on the national banner, and which has hitherto illumined the path of the faithful traveler in search of constitutional liberty, must henceforth quit its appointed place, and shine only on the banner consecrated to Equality, Justice and Southern Rights. To permit it to remain longer in its present association, would only dim its lustre and ultimately quench its light. We were told by our great statesman that the cords of the Union were snapping one by one, and now the last is broken. Could he have lived to witness our regeneration, he would feel himself amply rewarded for all his toils and sacrifices, and would say, like Simeon of old, "Lord, now latest thou thy servant depart in peace." A few more days, and the act of secession will be consummated by the solemn ordinance of the Convention of the people, and the glad tidings will go forth, with lightning speed, to every Southern State and rejoice the hearts and cheer the drooping spirits of millions anxiously waiting the signal for a general deliverance. We have progressed thus far with firm and even tread, with calmness and deliberation, but with a constancy of purpose not to be shaken by any danger or suffering.--A single pause or the least vascillation, and all will be lost. However anxious we may be for co-operation, however certain we may be of obtaining it, let us first move ourselves as the best means of effecting that object, and having forever closed the door from which we have passed out of the Union, so that no insidious device of the enemy, or false promises of pretended friends, can avail to open it. Then, and not till then, may we with safety seek co-operation and unity with other States who have assumed their sovereignty and are prepared to form a more perfect union and share with us a common destiny. Every sentinel should remain at his post, and not relax a fibre until the great work is completed, the great battle fought and the glorious victory achieved.

’ The delay of the Convention for a single week to pass the Ordinance of Secession, will have a blighting and chilling influence upon the action of the other Southern States. The opponents of the movement everywhere will be encouraged to make another effort to rally their now disorganized and scattered forces to defeat our action and stay our on ward march. Fabius conquered by delay, and there are those of his school, though with a more unworthy purpose, who, shrinking from open and manly attack, use this veil to hide their deformity, and from a masked battery to discharge their missiles. But I trust they will strike the armor of truth and fall harmless at our feet, and that by the 28th of December no flag but the Palmetto will float over any part of South Carolina. It only remains for me to request the appointment of a Committee to examine the accounts of the Executive Department, and to inform you that I have no further communication to make.

Ex. Gov. Adams, of S. C., was serenaded in Columbia, S. C., on Friday night. In reply to it he made a speech, which is thus reported:

He said that he prized the honor just conferred upon him more highly than all the honors heretofore heaped upon him by his constituents. Lowndes, who opposed the Union, in his dying moments said he wanted no other epitaph than, "Here lies the man who opposed the Union, because it was fatal to his country." He (the speaker,) wanted no prouder inscription than, "Here lies one who signed the Ordinance of Secession from that Union." The abolitionists were our best friends. Thank God for what they have already done, and for the inestimable blessing they were about to confer they were entitled to our warmest gratitude. [Laughter.] Their assaults have been unceasing, but all for our good. They have organized themselves into a great geographical party. By so doing, they have furnished us with a justification for dissolving our connection with them. If, tomorrow morning, they repealed every antislavery law, and said they would never whisper the word "negro" again, he would still cut loose his connection with them. [Applause.] The climate, the soil, and the habits of the people rendered it unsafe for Maine and Texas to be under the same Government. The idea of our fathers that representation was the bulwark of protection for the Union, had proved a fallacy, if ninety Southern men, were they all Calhoun in intellect, would not weigh against one hundred and forty of the Love joys and the Hickmans. Our ancestors made a sad blunder when they went into partnership with the Pilgrim Fathers, who came across the ocean in search of toleration, but became the most relentless persecutors in the world.--They threw the tea overboard, but they did it like thieves, wearing the guise of Indians, and knowing that no indictment would lay against them. [Laughter.] It was true, the Revolutionary war commenced then; but the biggest part of the Revolutionary war was fought at the South, after Washington took charge of the army. Their courage, like Bob Acre's, oozed out at their fingers' ends. [Laughter.] In 1812, when the South had undertaken to protect Yankee seamen, they burned blue lights on their coast — and in the Mexican war they furnished precious little blood.--He would not go into the history of the tariff, and show how it swindled the South; but the pension system was adopted thirty or forty years after the Revolution, when it was supposed that most of the old soldiers were dead, and New England immediately turned out more soldier-claimants than were enrolled in the whole Revolutionary Army. [Laughter.] They are very smart, and can demonstrate that the higher the tax the cheaper the article.--Next they will attempt to demonstrate that the lower the price of cotton the better for us, because it will teach us economy, which is one of the cardinal virtues. [Laughter.] He was not going to discuss secession, for everybody was for it, from Dan to Beersheba, and in a few days it will be a fixed fact. He did not understand the position of Mr. Buchanan, but he supposed he was like Selden, who, when asked how he was on the Bank question, said he ‘"stood between Nick Biddle and Calhoun."’ [Laughter.] If secession brought peace, he hoped we would enjoy its introduction; but if it brought war, we were the most unfortunate people on earth, for we had not bread and meat enough to feed the people who would come here to help us fight our battles. [Laughter and applause.] He did not believe war would come of it; and, if they wanted our blood, invite them to the banquet. Throw away the scabbard, and let them understand that we will neither give nor ask quarter. [Applause.] They might overrun the country, but if we were animated by the spirit of our forefathers, the swamps which protected Marion were here yet, and the soil grows as good potatoes now as then. [Applause.] He did not have much confidence in Virginia, because she refused to treat with the Commissioner of South Carolina. It was just as hard to turn a Virginian as a Louisiana sugar planter. If she would secede, then he would listen to her. In conclusion, he said that on the 17th, 18th or 19th, he did not know which, but as soon as the ordinance could be drawn, he would vote to secede, and stay in secession, till doomsday. [Loud applause.]

Hon. W. D. DeSaussure also announced the gratification it would give him to vote for the ordinance declaring South Carolina out of the Union. Messrs. Hopkins and Kinsler were not present, but patriotic speeches were made by Hon. Wade Hampton and Col. Thomas Y. Simons, which created great enthusiasm.

Hon. John M. Botts has written a letter to a gentleman in Staunton, Va., which is published in the Alexandria Gazette. He opposes a State Convention. Of South Carolina he says:

South Carolina, spurning the counsels and co-operation of Virginia and other Southern States, has, of her own accord, and upon her own hook chosen to raise a mighty and a fearful issue with the General Government, and upon the General Government rests the responsibility of settling the question. Hands off and fair play to both, say I. In its present stage we have nothing to do with it, and so far as I am concerned, I turn her over to "Uncle Sam, " and if she can maintain her position against that respectable and powerful old gentleman, let her have all the honor and glory, and benefit of the achievement to herself. I hope she may have a good and merry time of it. She will still be a State of the Union, in a state of rebellion, and I have not a shadow of doubt either of the right, or the power to control her; the only question would be--Is it worth while? Would it not be better to let her go out, and stay out, until she had made the experiment, and like the prodigal son, return to her home to eat up the fatted calf.

’ Of the position of the North in this crisis, he says:

‘ The Northern party has succeeded to power; they are therefore deeply interested, in a political sense, in keeping the Union together, and can well afford to do all that we have a right to demand, under the Constitution; and if they do not, we may be able to accomplish all that is essential, through the action of Congress.--Now, as you say to me, ‘"sit down, side by side with me,"’ and let us talk this matter over. Suppose the North should agree to repeal all their obnoxious legislation, which has for its object the obstruction to the execution of the fugitive slave law, (which they ought not to hesitate to do, even if no Union were at stake,) and if not, suppose Congress should so modify that law as to relieve it of that obnoxious feature to which I referred in my Lynchburg speech, and thereby add to, rather than impair its efficiency, and accompanying that legislation, with a bill declaring it to be a felony of the highest grade, and subject to heavy penalties by fine and imprisonment to rescue or attempt to rescue a slave in custody of the officers, or after he had been restored to his master, and making the General Government responsible for the value of the slave that may be rescued, and holding it as a charge against the State that shall permit the law to be thus violated within its territory; then suppose, in reference to the Territories, there should be wisdom and patriotism enough, in both sections of the country, to restore matters to the condition they occupied prior to 1854, by re-establishing the Missouri Compromise line, don't you think, my good friend, you could then be persuaded to agree that all the Southern States, except South Carolina, would agree, even without the restoration of the Missouri line, to remain a little longer in the Union? although South Carolina might have assumed that she was too good, and high toned, and chivalric to remain where Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, North Carolina and Missouri would be proud to stay? And if South Carolina should be deaf to all remonstrance, and insist that she would stay out, after that, don't you think she ought to be left to share the fate she had so unnecessarily courted and provoked?

’ All this I have strong hope may be accomplished, if reasonable time is allowed, a suitable spirit is adopted, and a proper course is pursued; but I do not think it can be done by the system of bullying and bravado that many of our leading men seem to have a decided passion for. The North and South are equally brave, and a brave people, like a brave man, will always despise and defy a bully, and there has been too much of that game played on both sides.

South Carolina.

A bill to provide new holidays for the State has been introduced in the South Carolina Legislature. It abolishes the celebration of the Fourth of July, and establishes in its place the observance of the 28th of June, the anniversary of the battle of Fort Moultrie. The other holidays are Good Friday, Christmas, New Year's Day, Thanksgiving and fast days. A correspondent of the New York Times, writing from Columbia, says:

‘ "To judge from the music heard here, a stranger would think he had landed in a French province. One of our old-fashioned national airs is never heard, but from every quarter — from the pianos in hotel parlors, from private residences, from bands on parade, and from every conceivable instrument, comes the everlasting 'Marseillaise;' if you happen to pass a residence and a lady is singing in the parlor, it is the 'Marseillaise,' the only alteration in the words being in the first line, where 'Carolina' is substituted for France; the small boys in the streets whistle the 'Marseillaise,' and that only, and, indeed, children of rather an older growth have caught the infection, and join in the general song;--it has become something like the 'harp of a thousand strings.' I only refer to this fact as another evidence of the feeling pervading all classes and conditions of society here."

The Governor of Georgia Censured.

The Georgia House of Representatives have unanimously passed a vote of censure upon the Governor of that State, Hon. Joseph E. Brown. It appears that the Governor in vetoing the Bank Relief bill intimated that it had been passed through corrupt influences used by the banks. The Legislature requested an explanation. The Governor replied that ‘"no charge of bribery was intended; that the language used was general, and was intended to be directed against what is usually known as lobby influence, when gentlemen leave their homes and spend money for traveling purposes, tavern bills, &c., &c., for the purpose of hanging around the General Assembly to try to influence the minds of members so as to procure the passage of a particular bill."’ The reply closed with the hint that "conscious innocence" would not have appropriated to itself language in which there was no imputation of criminality made. The House did not like the answer, and the following resolutions were passed — ayes 113, nays 0:

Be it Resolved, That His Excellency Governor Brown, has not only abused the privileges of this House, but has failed to maintain, in his official intercourse with this body, that dignity of deportment which becomes the Chief Magistrate of Georgia.

Resolved, further, That this resolution be spread upon the Journals of this House.

The Committee of Thirty-three.

The Committee of Thirty-three will not be called together by Mr. Corwin before Tuesday next. His reason for this delay is said to have been to allow time for the Southern members to consult as to the demands they shall make of the Committee, and also for the Republicans to consult as to what they shall yield.--He also desires the House to act on the application of Mr. Hawkins, of Florida, to be excused from serving. Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, will also, it is said, make a similar application, and an exciting debate may be expected on these applications to-morrow morning. The House, it is thought, will not excuse either of them, though, of course, they cannot be compelled to attend the meetings of the Committee. All the other members from the Southern States will serve on the Committee. The efforts on the part of the secessionists to get Mr. Houston, of Alabama, to decline serving, have been unsuccessful. He declares that he will fight the battles of the South and maintain its rights in the Union. The refusal of Southern members to serve on this Committee and state their grievances, must be regarded as a determination on their part to abandon the Union without an effort to save it

Another offer to the Governor of Alabama.

Governor Moore, of Alabama, has received the following patriotic tender of services:

To His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Alabama--

The undersigned, a veteran of four wars, the Indian war of 1798, the war of 1812, the Tus-ke-se-ha war, and the Indian war of 1836; also, and by no means least, Captain of the squad of Honorary Members of the Montgomery True Blues, and Commander-in-Chief of the well known, patriotic, and reliable "Old Fogy Club," begs leave to offer to your Excellency, in behalf of the State of Alabama, the services of the said last mentioned body of true and faithful citizens; begging, at the same, to remark, that he would also offer the services of that other gallant corps which he commands, but that it is already included in the general offer of the company of which it forms an honorable part.

In offering to your Excellency the services of the "Old Fogy Club," the undersigned feels proud to say that he offers, for the present emergency, men who must fight, because they cannot run. Your Excellency may, therefore depend on one corps, at least, that will stand fire; for the undersigned will certify, that what with gout, rheumatism, accidental lameness, and private afflictions of one sort and another, there is not a man in the company who could get further than Fight's Spring in a whole day's march.

Your Excellency may, however, rely on a good fighting company, with this understanding--on which the undersigned most unhesitatingly insists: We must feed and that well!--And in order that your Excellency may fully see and appreciate and make preparations for the corps, the undersigned submits a statement of rations needful for each of the 25 men in his command, per diem:

Mutton or Beef, (good)2 lbs.
Oysters3 dozen (plants.)
FishAt pleasure.
VegetablesAt pleasure.
CondimentsAt pleasure.
Bread and CrackersAt pleasure.
Whiskey or Brandy1 quart.

If, with this stinted allowance, (in times of great public distress,) your Excellency thinks the "Old Fogy Club" can be of service to the State, your Excellency may have them mustered in immediately — not to march exceeding five miles per day.

Respectfully, your abide serv's.

M. W. R., Captain.

Will making.

The practice of cutting off with a shilling was introduced to refute the presumption of forgetfulness or unconsciousness — to show that the testator fully remembered and meant to disinherit the sufferer. Lady Mary Wortley Montague cut off her scapegrace of a son with a guinea. When Sheridan threatened to cut off his eldest born with a shilling, the quiet retort was, "Couldn't you give it to me at once, if you happen to have such a thing about you?"

Hazlitt mentions an habitual liar, who, consistent to the last, employed the few remaining days he had to live, after being condemned by the doctors, in making a will, by which he bequeathed large estates in different parts of England, money in the funds, rich jewel, rings, and all kinds of valuables, to his old friends and acquaintances, who, not knowing how far the force of nature could go, were not for some time convinced that all this fairy wealth had never an existence anywhere but in the idle coinage of his brain, whose whims and projects were no more.

A wealthy nobleman hit upon a still more culpable device for securing posthumous ignominy. He gave one lady of rank a legacy "by way of compensation for the injury he feared he had done her fair fame;" a large sum to the daughter of another, a married woman, " from a strong conviction that he was the father;" and so on through half-a-dozen more items of the sort, each levelled at the reputation of some one from whom he had suffered a repulse; the whole being nullified (without being erased) by a codicil.

A widow, occupying a large house in a fashionable quarter of London, sent for a wealthy solicitor to make her will, by which she disposed of between fifty and sixty thousand pounds. He proposed soon after, was accepted, and found himself the happy husband of a penniless adventuress.

Shortly after the death of Mr. Asheton Smith, George Carter, one of his huntsmen, sought an interview with an old friend of the family, and with much earnestness made the following proposition:

"I hope, sir, when I and Jack Fricker and Will Bryce (the Whips) die, we may be laid alongside master in the Mausoleum, with Ham Ashley and Paul Potter, (two hunters,) and three or four couple of his favorite hounds, in order that we may be all ready to start again together in the next world,"

‘ "And thinks, admitted to that equal sky,
His faithful dog shall bear him company."

Kellerman left his heart to be buried in the battle-field of Valmy, where the first repulse was sustained by the Allies. He had better have selected Marengo, where a charge of heavy cavalry, led by him without orders, retrieved the fortunes of the day.

Mademoiselle Joly, a French actress of the latter part of the eighteenth century, having passed some agreeable hours on a hill near Falaise, called La Roche-Saint-Quentin, left directions in her will that her remains should be carried to this solitary hill, which was so dear to her heart. Her wishes were obeyed, and the hill has ever since been called Mont-Joly.-- Quarterly Review.

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