The National crisis.
from Charleston — the capture of the forts in Louisiana--the Republican Press on Mr. Seward--resignation of Secretary Thomas--scene at a Missionary meeting — sympathy from abroad. &c.,&c.From Charleston.
The Charleston papers of Monday morning furnish the following terms of interest: ‘ Planters and others who are willing to offer the services of their negroes will please report them at the Quartermaster General's Department, at the Court-House, Charleston, with their blankets, and provisions, if possible, for two days. ’ Eight of the laborers who have been detained in Fort Sumter for some time, made their escape on Saturday; and reached the city. It is believed there are thirty laborers who are still detained against their desire and consent. The negotiations and correspondence between Fort Sumter and the Executive Headquarters, which began on Friday, as we have reported, were continued or renewed on Saturday, and many rumors were afloat concerning the objects and results. It is useless to mention such rumors, as the truth will be known as soon as compatible with the public service and sound policy. Col. Isaac W. Hayne, under a special commission from the Governor, and Lieut. Hall, with dispatches from the Commander of Fort Sumter, left on Saturday afternoon for Washington. Robert N. Gourdin, Esq., followed in the night train of Saturday, on the Northwestern Railroad, with a commission from Gov. Pickens. From our telegraphic dispatches, published this morning, we think it is evident that the Captain of the brig St. Pierre has completely "sold" the valiant crew of the Star of the West. The officers of the latter vessel, probably pretty well frightened at the prompt welcome given them by the Cadets at Morris' Island, yielded a ready credence to the facetious yarn of the crew of the St. Pierre, to the effect that she had not been permitted to enter Charleston harbor because they hoisted the U. S. flag.--To our Southern friends, we need hardly say that the whole story was a jest; that the St. Pierre has gone to Savannah by the direction of her consignees, and that the guns of our batteries had no more to do with her change of destination than the guns of Gibraltar.--But for the enlightenment of the Northern newspapers, we may say at once, that we have no objection to merchant vessels, bearing the flag of the United States, or of any other foreign nation, entering our port, so long as they behave themselves property.Resignation of Secretary Thomas.
The following correspondence between the late Secretary of the Treasury and the President of the United States, explains the cause of the retirement of the former gentleman from the Cabinet: Washington, January 11, 1861
My Dear Sir
--It has not been in my power, as you are aware, to agree with you and with a majority of your constitutional advisers in the measures which have been adopted in reference to the present condition of things in South Carolina, nor do I think it at all probable that I shall be able to concur in the views which you entertain, so far as I understand them, touching the authority under existing laws, to enforce the collection of the customs at the port of Charleston.
Under such circumstances, after mature consideration, I have concluded that I cannot longer continue in your Cabinet, without embarrassment to you and an exposure of myself to the just criticism of those who are acquainted with my opinions upon the subject.
I, therefore, deem it proper to tender my resignation of the commission I now hold as Secretary of the Treasury, to take effect when my successor shall be appointed and qualified
In doing so I avail myself of the occasion to offer you the assurance of the high respect and regard which, personally, I entertain for you, and with which I have the honor to be your friend and obedient servant. My Dear Sir
Philip F. Thomas.
The President.
The President.
Washington, Jan. 12, 1861.
My Dear Sir
--I have received your letter of yesterday resigning the office of Secretary of the Treasury, to take effect when your successor shall be appointed and qualified.
I very much regret that circumstances, in your opinion, have rendered this necessary.
Without adverting to these.
I am happy to state in accepting your resignation, that during the brief period you have held this important office, its duties have been discharged in a manner highly satisfactory to myself. My Dear Sir
Wishing you health, prosperity and happiness, I remain, very respectfully, your friend.
James Buchanan.
Hon. Philip F. Thomas.
James Buchanan.
Hon. Philip F. Thomas.
The capture of the forts in Louisiana.
The departure of the troops from New Orleans, who went to Baton Rouge to capture the U. S. Arsenal and Barracks, has been published. A dispatch from Baton Rouge, dated the 11th inst, says: ‘ The companies composing the expedition were ordered out at daylight this morning for company drill, and at noon they formed on the north side of Boulevard street. This street is in the lower part of the city, the Arsenal and Barracks being just beyond its upper limits. The order to take up this position was issued by the Governor to Col. Walton, of the Washington Artillery, in command of the New Orleans detachment. Immediately after forming on the North Boulevard the troops received orders to move towards the Arsenal and other United States buildings, for the purpose of taking possession of them. On a demand from Col. Walton, the posts were surrendered without any resistance on the part of the United States forces. In fact, resistance would have been totally useless, and could have had no other result than the useless effusion of blood. ’ On the surrounding of the building, a strong detachment of New Orleans troops took possession of them, and posted a guard at each point of ingress and egress. The main body of the troops remained without the grounds of the Ordnance Department. The Barracks and officers' quarters are informally surrendered, but are still occupied by Federal soldiers. These, however, will leave within thirty-six hours. They are to go up the river to Fort Washington, under command of Lt. Todd. The New Orleans detachment, under Colonel Walton, will remain on duty until further orders to-morrow. On Sunday, they will start for home. At present, all are in good health. The "capture" of Fort Pike, on the night of the 10th, by the N. O. Continentals, is thus described: ‘ In the darkness of night the Continentals moved silently forward, and on being accosted by the well-known commander of the fort, (Major Bosworth,) Capt. Clark, in determined words, demanded, in the name of the State, the surrender of the fortress. Your correspondent cannot help expressing much sympathy for the good and brave old commander, who, living for years here, and feeling his very life bound up in the old fortress, was compelled suddenly to pass over to the State all that was dear to him, by long association.--The State has thus quietly and peaceably become the possessor of what cost the Government much; and, judging from the present occupants, it will be held good against all invaders. ’ The N. O. Delta, of Friday, says: ‘ Captain Haskins, lately in command of the United States troops at Baton Rouge, telegraphed to the U. S. Quartermaster in this city, last evening, for transportation for his command to St. Louis. The John Simonds, which left last evening, was engaged for this service. At noon to-day there will not be a soldier of the United States within the State of Louisiana. ’The North Carolina forts.
The Wilmington (N. C.) Journal, of Monday afternoon, speaking of the occupation of the North Carolina forts, says: ‘ Fort Macon, has not, to our knowledge, been occupied at all. Fort Caswell has not been occupied, strictly speaking, by State troops, but by citizens, mainly of Brunswick county. That a large sympathy with these citizens exists throughout the State is certain, and it is also certain that even among those who may have thought the movement premature, there is a determination sustain them if necessary. Gov. Ellis cannot, as Governor of the State, while in the Union, officially recognize the occupation of these forts, which is, in truth, under any view of the case so far, only a trespass, the talk about treason and all that to the contrary notwithstanding. We feel pretty certain that it was designed that the cutter Forward, under the command of Lieut. Nones, should have slipped down with a force for Fort Caswell; but the design was given up when it could no longer be executed secretly, and of course not without a collision. ’The Republican Press on Mr. Seward.
Mr. Seward's speech seems to have given several of the more prominent Republican papers much dissatisfaction. The New York Tribune does not like it, but scarcely dares to speak its censures very boldly: ‘ Gov. Seward's speech, we think, disappoints those who have sanguinely expected from it a solution of our national perplexities and a dissipation of our national perils. On the other hand, those who looked to it with confident delight, as likely to embody a surrender of every distinctively Republican principle and purpose in order to turn away the wrath of the Secessionists, will find themselves disappointed. Gov. Seward indicates a purpose to push concession to the utmost verge, in order to dispel the perils now brooding over the Republic; but he does not forget that he is a Republican. We certainly should have preferred a bolder tons — we think some allusion to the recent insults to the National flag and name by the Secessionists Now in force in Charleston, would have been pertinent and timely, as we know that they would have been hailed with enthusiasm by ninety-nine of every hundred of the Senator's devoted friends. Still, we cannot reasonably expect all the best qualities of head and heart to be embodied in a single person; and while it is given to some to uphold the Eternal Right in the face of exasperated and formidable foes, others may be as usefully employed in pouring oil on the troubled waters, and preaching the gospel of conciliation and peace. Were any evidence given by the Secessionists that they could be placated by moderate and reasonable concessions, we should be willing to see them met in a spirit at least equally conciliatory; but while the South chooses to speak through such organs as Messrs. Toombs and Davis, and to propose such extravagant and impossible conditions as those of Mr. Hunter, we feel that the occasion demands that the response of the North be characterized by other qualifies than those evinced in Governor Seward's speech. ’ The New York World thinks Mr. Seward has fallen short of the high duty before him. --After reviewing the propositions of the speech, the World says: ‘ Mr. Seward's answer to the questions how to save the Union will be satisfactory to neither friend nor foe. Applying to his plan the same practical test which he has applied to the plans of others, the clear result appears that it is as inadequate as he has declared theirs to be. The people can and will save the Union, he says, but how, the people ask. In what way can the people act, except through their authorized Representatives in Congress assembled? Yet Congressional compromises, he says, are of no avail. Do they look to him, on a landing statesman, for instructions what to do, feeling that the peril is such as to require all their wisdom to avert, or all their manliness to meet? The Senator replies that we may as well discard the prevalent idea or prejudice that "the Union is to be saved by somebody in particular." He has nothing to say to the people except that the Union is inestimable, and its dissolution our universal ruin. When flames burst out in our dwellings, can the firemen stay away from the promises because the building is valuable and fire destructive? ’ The Times is altogether satisfied with the speech. It says: ‘ It is pre-eminently a speech which ought to command universal attention and exert a general and a salutary influence. As an indication of the spirit in which the Administration of Mr. Lincoln will be conducted, it leaves nothing to be desired. It must convince every candid man that its predominant and paramount aim will be to perpetuate the Union--that it will consult, with scrupulous care, the interests, the principles and the sentiments of every section. It leaves no room for the presumption that the conduct of the Administration will be directly or indirectly hostile to the institutions of the Southern States--or that it will be deaf or indifferent to complaints from that quarter of evils suffered or apprehended at the hands of the Federal Government. If men, here or elsewhere--North or South--will read and judge the speech, fairly and candidly, as a declaration of general principles, intended to inform the country as to the basis and general spirit and temper of the incoming Administration, we believe they will find it very difficult to detect in it anything that is justly obnoxious to censure. ’The delivery of Seward's speech.
The Washington States, noticing the appearance of the Senators during the delivery of Seward's speech, says: ‘ During the delivery of this remarkable production, the Republican leaders presented a strange array of physiognomies. Senator Hale sat uneasily, seeming as though he argued himself into a condition not to expect anything, and yet was constantly rebelling against it, and inquiring of himself what was the use of all this talk. Senator Sumner caressed his head with an unpleasant air of dissatisfaction. Senator Foot, of Vermont, smiled a placid smile, as is his wont Senator Wilson--made of more partisan stuff — bit his lip to disguise his discontent. Senator Wade sat stiff, with rugged earnestness, and, with fingers intertwisted, twirled his thumbs; while Senator King preserved that equanimity which he rarely permits to be ruffled. He sat up straight, his hands in his pockets, his head embedded on the top of his paunchy protuberance, looking like Falstaff at the Boar's Head waiting for Bardolph and the mug of sack, "with a toast in it." On the other side of the Chamber, that attention was paid the Senator to which his position entitled him.--The speech was the subject of universal comment, not alone in this city, but in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, (as it was in type there and published in whole or part after the telegraph announced its delivery,) during Saturday night, yesterday, and this morning. Coming down from the Senate, Hunter, Toombs, Benjamin and Slidell, stopped into the telegraph and transmitted their views of it to their districts. ’Debarkation of the Star of the West's troops.
The Star of the West landed her troops at Governor's Island, New York, Saturday.--The Herald says: ‘ The debarkation of the troops was accomplished at half-past 7 o'clock in the morning. During the previous night the Star of the West was considerably inconvenienced by the large masses of ice floating in the river, and two anchors were wrenched away. She left her anchorage in the harbor — a position she had maintained since her arrival — and steamed into the slack water to avoid the floes of ice. She then passed down the bay to Robbin's Reef, and thence back to a point a little above Governor's Island, where, about three o'clock yesterday morning, the steaming came alongside to take off the soldiers; but the commanding officer, deeming it an unpropitious moment on account of the terrific frost, and Captain McGowan fearing accident from the misses of ice, the movement was postponed.--Those on board the vessel describe the cold at this time as of unusual severity. The sides of the ship were covered with ice, while the whiskers of the officers on duty were congealed with their respiration. Such was the keen state of the atmosphere during Saturday afternoon, that a stove had to be put up in the soldiers' quarters to make them any way tenantable or comfortable. Later in the day, the troops went on the tug and were safely landed at their quarters of the Island, which they left a week ago for a trip to Charleston. ’Scene at a Philadelphia Missionary meeting.
The Philadelphia Bulletin, of Monday, says: ‘ A singular scene was enacted last evening at the Green street M. E. Church. The regular annual collection in aid of the funds of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church was being taken up, and a number of prominent members of the Church had been elected life members, the amount necessary for that purpose having been subscribed. Finally a gentleman arose in the gallery, and after speaking of the proper association of piety and patriotism, he stated that the members of the choir contributed $20 for the purpose of making the gallant Major Anderson a life member of the Missionary Society.--This announcement caused a sensation which had not subsided when the same gentleman again rose and states that the ladies of the choir desired to contribute twenty dollars to make Mrs. Major Anderson a member of the Society. He afterwards stated that the choir would give a like amount to make Lieutenant. General Winfield Scott a lite member, and subsequently he said that as Mr. Buchanan had lately given evidence of a disposition to do his duty to the Constitution and the Union, they would also contribute the amount necessary to create him a life member. ’ The feeling thus started in the choir now extended to the body of the church. One lady began a subscription to make Governor Hicks, of Maryland, a life member, another contribution towards the amount necessary to make President Lincoln a member, and a gentleman in the congregation proposed the same compliment to Hon. Mr. Stevens, of Georgia.Cuba Pitying America.
[From the Cuban (Havana) Messenger, Jan. 8]
The Dis-United States.--In view of the present aspect of affairs in the Confederacy of North America, heretofore known as the United States, we fear that this name can no longer properly belong to that people; and although we lament, bitterly, the sad result that is now threatening the peace and prosperity of the Union, and feel as keenly as the staunchest "Union" man the terrible consequences that must ensue to every branch of industry and enterprise at its complete dismemberment, yet we fear that it is now inevitable, and the world will point to the condition of the States as an undeniable proof that the principles which once made that Confederacy honored and powerful have failed to keep her as such in her hour of trial.
We may continue to call the Northern and Southern States the "United States," from the fact that it has never borne any other title; but if a name signifies the form of government and condition of the people, we think it should be changed into that of "Dis-United States," until they are entitled to some other.
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Looking, as we do, from a point and place where we enjoy protection to "life, liberty and property," (privileges so strongly advocated by republicans,) under a monarchial government, we cannot but feel the superiority of this form; and while we regret the disruption of this powerful and valued neighbor, and even yet hope that it may not be, we cannot but be convinced that a government which only has power to govern so long as the people are willing to be governed, is insufficient to carry out objects worthy a great nation.
