The Daily Dispatch: July 30, 1861., [Electronic resource]

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Comments of the Northern press.
[from the New York Journal of Commerce.]

This reverse, at the very outset of the advance of our army, will disappoint the hopes and the confident expectations of the people of the Northern States. For, if there were some who, with a more correct knowledge and a just appreciation of the strength and material of the Confederate army, have deemed the result which has attended the first important movement not unlikely to occur, it is unquestionably true that the masses of the people have entertained different expectations, and have looked upon the march to Richmond in the light of a triumphal and grand occasion, which should inspire our troops with the highest spirit, and which could, by no possibility, result in disaster to our arms.

Probably not one in a hundred of the millions at the North who daily read or listened to the demand of the war journals ‘"to forward to Richmond,"’ had any conception of the difficulties in the way of such an undertaking. For weeks past, the President, and more especially Lieut. General Scott, has been urged to make a forward movement; and a measure of abuse has been heaped upon the Administration by the journals of his own party, which, had it emanated from their opponents, would have provoked the most serious charges of disloyalty to the Government.

In common with all our fellow-citizens, we are distressed at the intelligence which every hour brings us of the loss of brave and respected men, officers and privates, who have fallen in the encounter between the two armies. Many homes are thus made desolate many hearts broken-- crushed — by the sudden announcement. Similar scenes are witnessed and similar griefs felt among the people of the South. Is there no way to put an end, honorably and rightly, to this state of things? This question is full of importance, and we ask the people, in the light of humanity and Christianity, to ponder well the momentous issues which it involves.

[From the New York Tribune.]

We have fought and been beaten. God forgive our rulers that this is so; but it is true, and cannot be disguised. The Cabinet, recently expressing, in rhetoric better adapted to a love-letter, a fear of being drowned in its own honey, is now nearly drowned in gore; while our honor on the high seas has only been saved by one daring and desperate negro, and he belonging to the merchant marine. The sacred soil of Virginia is crimson and wet with the blood of thousands of Northern men needlessly shed. The great and universal question pervading the public mind, is: ‘"Shall this condition of things continue?"’

A decimated and indignant people will demand the immediate retirement of the present Cabinet from the high places of power, which, for one reason or another, they have shown themselves incompetent to fill. Give us for the President capable advisers, who comprehend the requirements of the crisis and are equal to them; and, for the army, leaders worthy the rank and file, and our banner, now drooping, will soon float once more in triumph over the whole land.

[From the New York Times.]

There is no occasion to belittle the calamity which has fallen upon the country. The gallant army of the Union has been routed and put to flight by the army of the rebels; and if, from the fragments, enough material can be gathered to insure the immediate safety of the Capital, the nation will have a melancholy and imperfect reason for congratulation. But, although we have suffered a disastrous defeat, the course of events make it something better than a national calamity. In one respect, it will unquestionably prove a great national blessing. It does not weaken in an appreciable degree our strength either in men or munitions of war. It is only a mortifying experience, which will, we believe, secure us from its repetition.

[From the New York Herald.]

Our own opinion is, that our noisy and fanatical and foolish politicians forced General Scott into this thing against his superior judgment Whatever may be the truth in this respect, it is now manifest that the Secretary of War and the whole Cabinet have been unequal to the exigencies of the crisis, and far behind the spirit and liberal patriotism of the loyal States. The whole responsibility, in the end, fails upon the President of the United States. He cannot fail now to comprehend the dangers and duties of his critical position. Washington is in great peril. The loyal States, within three days, May dispatch 20,000 men to that point; and if we succeed in holding the Capital for twenty days, we may have by that time an army of 200,000 men entrenched around it.

[From the New York Express.]

The record we make, we are deeply pained to see and to say, is rather of a rout than of a battle, beyond the Bull's Run batteries — and the record is the most painful we have ever had to make in our long life of editorial experience. The loss of life must be deplorable, as well as the loss of war material — and when we receive the details, we fear they will be agony to families and friends. The public effiction, however, is now so great that private grief is all absorbed in the great calamity.

The ‘"On to Richmond"’ nonsense we have been having from campaign editors, in their sky-high attice and closets in New York, has doubtless stimulated the President and Cabinet, never so deaf as they ought to be to their own party journalism, to urge on General Scott to march before he was ready. His plan of marching in a common onset the three Generals, McClellan, Patterson and Mcdowel', has failed in the haste in which McDowell has been driven on to the attack by ‘"Public Opinion"’ made in New York city by Republican journalism, and these operated upon by the Government at Washington.

McDowell's force, it would seem, has been put to panic and flight by the condition of his men that Gen. Johnston was co-operating with Gen. Beauregard, and that it was a fight of one against two, the two having the protection of hidden batteries planted where foliage and leaves could cover them. Hence inexperienced, and, in a good degree, undrilled volunteer troops were seized with a panic, and, in consequence of that panic, artillery, baggage trains, almost everything seem to have been lost, as but few infantry were left to protect horses or wagons or teams, or the men in authority over them. The enemy's cavalry, of which we are destitute, doubtless added to the confusion and the slaughter; and hence the deplorable tale we read.

This defeat, however, will in no degree weaken the Northern country or the Northern people; but, on the contrary, will arouse them to unparalleled exertions, and call forth their full strength. It is very true that it will highly encourage the Southern people also; but the North has not yet begun to put forth its strength, while the South is strained to the utmost.

[From the New York Post.]

The rebel force was too great to withstand, and Gen. McDowell has fallen back upon his entrenchments at Alexandria. The junction of Johnston with Beauregard it was General Patterson's business to prevent. It is not right to blame a commander without knowing all the circumstances which controlled his actions, and we must remember that all blame of subordinates falls at last upon the Commander-in-Chief. Nevertheless, it is impossible not to see that the army corps of Patterson has not performed its very important share in the general attack, and that in this way only is the temporary retreat of our main army brought about.

Meantime, in the general anxiety, we must remember that the strong fortifications which General Scott wisely erected opposite Washington will give our troops a rallying point, where they will make a stand.

Of one thing we may be assured, that, even if our retreat is a rout, it is an important advantage for our troops to have drawn the rebels out of their strong positions, and placed the onus of attack upon them. We may now choose our own battle-ground, where no masked batteries can annoy us, and, with the reserves, our force will be quite sufficient to meet the enemy and overcome them.

[From the New York World.]

The disastrous result of the action was, perhaps, inevitable — even though no panic had occurred at the close — from the three causes against which the noblest soldiery can never successfully oppose their daring. First, the enemy's forces had been largely underrated, and nearly doubled our own number; second, the onus of the attack rested entirely upon us, and the natural and scientific defences of the rebels made their position almost impregnable; third, many of our leaders displayed a lamentable want of military knowledge. There was little real Generalship in the field. There was no one to organize our regiments in strong, swift-moving columns and hurl them powerfully against the foe.-- Nor were the Generals of Division more competent to their work. They exhibited personal bravery, but advantages gained were not secured; important points were abandoned as soon as carried, and a reckless, fatiguing pursuit preferred, until Beauregard and Davis, who commanded in person, led us on to positions thoroughly available for the attack of their final reinforcements. As for us, no one had thought of providing that reserve absolutely necessary to the sealing and completion of a battle's successes. It is the last conflict of the day that decides the victory and defeat.

We had no cavalry to rout our retreating foe. Our artillery was not rendered efficient in the afternoon. Gen. Tyler neglected to guard his rear, and to check the pushing forward of his trains.

As for the Colonels, many of those who were not wounded or killed in the engagement exhibited not merely inefficiency, but the pusillanimity which I have before recorded.

To conclude: Before we can force our way through a country as well adapted for strategies defence as the fastnesses of the Peidmontese, the defiles of Switzerland, or the almost unconquerable wilds in which Schamyliso long held the Russians at bay, before we can possess and advance beyond the scientific entrenchments with which the skill of disloyal officers has made those Virginia forests so fearfully and mysteriously deathful to our patriotic soldiery, we must discover the executive leader whose genius shall oppose new modes of subduing a novel and thus far successful method of warfare, and whose alert action shall carry his devices into resistless effect.

[From the Boston Daily Advertiser.]

The superb scheme for overrunning Virginia has been defeated for the time, and the national cause has suffered a heavy blow from one of those fatal chances to which an army of raw troops is peculiarly exposed.--The disastrous panic which turned our victory into a retreat and the retreat into a rout, was a danger to which the enemy was as much exposed as we, but which fell to our bitter lot, apparently from circumstances which our General in command could not control.

It is well known that the Abolitionists of this State goaded Charles Sumner into making the speech which preceded the Brooks difficulty. It is now known that Gen. Greeley goaded Abraham Lincoln into the unfortunate advance upon Richmond. Corporal Raymond, too, has done his part. And the New York World has not been behind its contemporaries in urging the citizen army into the Bull Run Trap. Will the people follow these cowards, who are sacrificing the national army for the sake of the sectional party? In future, let us follow Gen. Scott.

Is it not time for Gen. Schenck to retire?--Have we not had just enough of him? Why not give him a post-office in a small town anywhere in Ohio? He is an unfit person to lead soldiers. His own men are weary of his blundering. In the language of some one, ‘" let him slide"’ into obscurity.

[From the Boston Daily Courier.]

The latest news published in yesterday's Courier, was down to 6 o'clock P. M., Sunday, at which hour the battle was still in progress, and then success seemed certain.--But yesterday's operations were against us, though not so sadly as the sensation press and the sensation reporters, and the drunken Congress cowards who led the retreat, would have the nation think. McDowell, and those within the influence of his cool face and voice, were in order; it was only those who are accustomed to mock courage; ‘"representatives"’ and wagoners, Greeleyites and army jobbers; they originated the ‘"defeat,"’ and in order to cover their pale-faced conduct, they telegraphed in all directions that the army was demolished. The country will return upon these scoundrels. The country will return upon those Congressmen, who, because they had voted largely for the supplies, deemed it fit and just to crowd the avenue with preferred carriages.

The country will remember Lovejoy, who, while the nation is in its saddest throes, sighs only for the negro. The country will remember the cool indifference of the Congressmen who went from their place of deliberation to scenes of havoc, and thought the display of fireworks fine. The panic which shook the nation yesterday was created by the cowardice of the managers of the party. How long will intelligent Americans endure it?

[From the Philadelphia Gazette.]

The restless spirit of discontent, which has been worrying and driving the Government to do something to satisfy sensation mongers, must now, we think, acknowledge that its advice has been followed, and the result is precisely in accordance with what might have been anticipated. A clamor, insane as it was insolent and audacious, was kept up incessantly and maliciously to have General McDowell move on ward and do something, and the strength of the enemy has been systematically underrated for the purpose of favoring the delusion that victory only awaited our advance, and that the patient preparation was nothing more than old fogy stupidity or traitorous reluctance.

We know, from authority which is unquestionable, that it was originally no part of Gen. Scott's plans to commence the offensive at this time, because careful calculation of the period requisite for preparation had satisfied him that to do the thing properly, we should not be ready to act in Eastern Virginia before September. He know the force of the enemy better than the public, and even when at last compelled to succumb to the pressure, and order Gen. MeDowell to advance, he did it, we are persuaded, against his own judgment.

[From the Philadelphia Inquires.]

When the history of the conflict comes to be written by the dispassionate historian, the causes of our defeat may be summed up briefly in a few words. Masked batteries, in-experienced officers, the unaccountable and unobstructed escape of Johnston's column from the upper Potomac, and the wild and fanatical clamor of the Tribune and its allies for an unseasonable advance; these are the pernicious influences that did the fatal work.

This disgrace must be wiped out, this defeat must be retrieved by a victory before which this of the rebels will pale. But, to achieve this great result, our troops must have Generals who know how to deal with masked batteries, who are able to estimate the numerical force of the enemy and the strength of his position, and, above all, these Generals must be protected from the Greeleys and other mischief-makers of that ilk, who are responsible for much of our present trouble.

[From the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin.]

War is an iron business, and in the matter of the discipline proper to be exercised by Generals, there are not many new-fashioned improvements possible. The rebels follow old-fashioned styles in this respect. They allow no full reports of their proceedings, no unnecessary hangers on; in short, follow the old iron style completely.

[From the Pittsburg Dispatch.]

Disaster, mingled, we say, with disgrace, has fallen upon our army. It boots not new to inquire why and how such an army, so appointed, so gaily and eagerly marching to the field, has sustained a defeat and a rout; nor shall we indulge in any vain regrets or complaints.

We shall not conceal our belief that the National Capital is in imminent peril. The flushed victors will hardly fail to attempt new achievements on the spur of the moment, and if they have captured our artillery, they will be formidable in an attack on the defences of the Capital. Baltimore will probably give trouble now, and our forces there and elsewhere in Maryland are in real peril. Patterson's command is also exposed and liable to be cut off or defeated by a rapid movement of the enemy.

[From the Newark Daily Mercury.]

A great and sudden reverse has dimmed the glory of our arms. The army of the Republic, marching forward to the vindication of our integrity as a nation, has for a moment been turned backward by its opposing legions Precipitate in its assault, some what careless it may be, of its discipline and order, ignorant, certainly, of the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, this army of the Union has, by their overwhelming numbers, been repulsed while in the very gates of victory, and our colors, upon which yesterday the light of triumph shone, to-day have dishonored.