great Britain and the American crisis — the Nashville and the Tuscarora--Lord Lyons and Mr. Lincoln--the privateering question, &c., &c.
Our Northern files to Monday, the 24th of February, were received last night.
They furnish the subjoined details of news from
Europe by the
Niagara, which arrived at
Halifax on the 22d, with dates to the 9th:
The American question.
Six sets of Parliamentary papers concerning the
American civil war, &c., have been laid before Parliament.
Not fewer than forty-five official communications have passed about the
Nashville and
Tuscarora.
In January, 1861, Earl Russell instructed Lord Lyons, in case of advice being asked by
President Lincoln's Cabinet, to reply that her Majesty's Government will decline to give any, unless both parties apply for counsel.
The policy of the
British Government in February, 1861, in the event of
President Lincoln raising a question with
Great Britain, is laid down in the following terms:
Her Majesty's Government would in the first place be very forbearing.
They would show by their acts how highly they valued the relations of peace and comity with the
United States, but they would take care to let the
Government which multiplied provocations and sought for quarrels understand that their forbearance sprung from a consciousness of strength, and not from timidity or weakness.
Lord Russell reports the substance of a conversation he had with
Yancey,
Rost, and
Mann, the delegates who waited on him to urge the recognition of the
Confederates.
His answer to these gentlemen was, that
England would observe strict neutrality.--Earl Russell said--Her Majesty cannot acknowledge the independence of nine States until the fortune of arms or a more peaceful mode of negotiation shall have more clearly determined the respective positions of the two belligerents.
There is a short note, written as late as December 20, which shows that even then the
British Ministry believed in the probability of a war with the
United States.
Lord Lyons in directed to speak with
Mr. Seward on the subject of letters of marque, and to say that in case of war,
Great Britain is willing to abolish privateering as between the two nations, if the
President will make a similar agreement on the part of the
United States.
The arrest of an angle-canadian.
In the House of Lords, on the 7th, Earl Carnarvor inquired as to the truth of the arrest and imprisonment of a Canadian subject named
Shepperd, by order of
Mr. Seward.
He commented severely on the conduct of the
United States, if the facts were correctly reported, and especially on the demand that
Shepperd should take the oath of allegiance to the
United States as a condition of release.
Earl Russell, who was all but inaudible, was understood to say that the main facts of the case were correctly reported; but, as soon as Lord Lyons was informed of it, he applied to
Mr. Seward, who stated that the oath of allegiance was tendered to
Shepperd under the belief that he was an American, and his release was subsequently obtained on the condition that he should not go into the
Southern States.
The Federal Government claimed that, in an extraordinary emergency like the present, the
President must be invested with extraordinary powers, extending to foreign residents as well as American citizens.
Her Majesty's Government entered strong remonstrances to this, and there was no objection to produce the correspondence.
Earl Carnarvon said he should certainly move for the papers.
He hoped the
Government would not be content with remonstrances, but would also demand compensation.
Mr. Gregory, M. P., on the blockade.
In the House of Commons, on the 7th instant,
Mr. Gregory said he refrained the previous evening from addressing the
House while the Address to the
Queen was being discussed, because he thought it undesirable to introduce topics which might give rise to debate; but he felt that the blockade of the
Southern ports by the
Federal Government was wholly ineffective, and simply a blockade upon paper.
On a future occasion he should be in a position to show the character of the blockade was such that, in justice to both of the belligerent parties, it ought to receive full discussion at the hands of the
Government.
Mr. G. P. Bentinck expressed satisfaction at
Mr. Gregory's announcement to bring the question of the blockade before the
House.
His own opinion was that a recognition of the paper blockade would be in violation of the rules of international law, and it was the duty of the country to consider seriously the position in which we were placed.
The Sumter and the coal Merchants.
Late
Gibraltar advices, received in
Liverpool, represent the privateer
Sumter as detained at
Gibraltar from difficulty in obtaining coal.
A meeting of the parties connected with the coaling business there resolved not to supply coal to the
Sumter except for cash, the paper offered in payment, although on good houses, being deemed ineligible.
The same advices represent the crew of the
Sumter as fine fellows, but nautical men say the ship has no fight in her.
The London times as a Financier and Prophet.
The London
Times, in an editorial on American affairs, says that in the last six months America has contrived to spend more money in a shorter time, and to less purpose, than any other people who ever lived on the face of the earth, and that is all that has literally been done during this period.
It proceeds to argue that the subjugation of the
South and a future union has become impossible.
The Press on the session of Parliament.
The
London journals generally regard the
Queen's speech as a negative, and so far a satisfactory document.
The
London Herald (opposition) has scarcely a remark to offer on the ministerial programme, and says it is difficult to criticizes blank paper.
The session of Parliament opened calmly and with no show of opposition, and the indications were that the session would be a quiet one.
The
Globe, however, admits that Parliament is about equally divided, and that the conservatives might, if they chose, bring about serious complications.
It intimates that, in the event of defeat, Lord Palmerston would dissolve Parliament and appeal to the country.
French opinion on neutral rights.
M. D'Hautefenille, the well-known writer on international law, urges in the
Regus Contemporatne the meeting of a congress to settle the rights of belligerents at sea, and the formation of a league of armed neutrality to protect the commerce of neutral Powers in the event of maritime war.
