The Daily Dispatch: July 5, 1862., [Electronic resource]

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From the North.
on to Richmond — what a Paroled prisoner said.

A correspondent of the Herald writes as follows from the banks of the Chittahominy:

‘ Lieut. Porkins, of General Butterfields of all who was captured at the Hanover Court-House battle, returned to day, having been released on parole. A flag of truce was sent by Gen. McClellan, asking his exchange, which was complied with. It is understood that Lieut. Washington, of Gen. Joe Johnston's staff, who was taken prisoner in the fight last Sunday, is to be given up for him Lieut. Porkins, having been released on parole is restricted of course from giving any information as to the strength of the enemy or their fortifications. There are same facts, however, of interest he does state, which came under his observation during his abbreviated durance in rebeldom, extending over a period of nearly two weeks. On the night of his capture he was taken to Ashland, where he remained over night, and the next day was conveyed to Richmond. In consideration of his infirm health he was allowed to perform the journey on horseback, riding the horse of Dr. Waters, medical director of one of our divisions, which also was captured, but happily without the owner going with it, which he came very near doing, and would have done had he not played a smart trick and got out of their way. At Richmond Lieut. Perkins was placed in one of the tobacco warehouse hospitals for medical treatment. His principal attendant was Dr. Marshall, surgeon of the Berdau sherpshooters, captured on the same day. They had turned Dr. Marshall to good account; and he was making good use of his stewardship, ministering to the sick and wounded in the hospital. He was full of jollily as usual, and as full of hope as regards his own future as an egg is full of meat. The number of the wounded rebels in the Hanover Court-House affair and the fights of Saturday and Sunday, now in the Richmond hospitals and private houses, is placed by Lieut. Perkins at seven thousand. Every fourth house is a temporary hospital. The enemy confess being badly whipped at Hanover Court-House, but do not acknowledge defeat in either the battles of last Saturday or Sunday. At the first fight they had more men engaged than we had. The attack on Saturday was made from the supposition that some thirty thousand of our men had passed the Chickahominy, and that, owing to the sudden and unprecedented rise in the river, no reinforcements could come to their aid. They proposed to come down and ‘"scoop up"’ these thirty thousand. Lieut. Perkins heard the and at night asked a rebel officer about the result of the fight.

’ ‘"Did you 'scoop up' these thirty thousand?"’ asked Lieut. Perkins.

‘"You are a damned impertinent Yankee,"’ was the rebel response.

The most important news of all Lieut. Perkins brings back is that confirming the report of the wounding of Gen. Johnston. He was wounded in the groin, and will be disabled from military duty for some time. Gen. G. W. Smith, New York ExStreet Commissioner, succeeds him in command of the rebel forces in and about Richmond. Lieut. Perkins says further that the utmost consternation prevails among the citizens and all classes in Richmond on account of the nearness of the Union army. He believes the enemy will fight desperately before giving up Richmond. The ‘"On to Richmond"’ fever runs higher each day.

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Hon. Ben Wood's speech.

A New York letter to a Philadelphia paper says:

‘ It there is any Congressional Committee engaged in investigating Ben Wood's loyalty, please say to them that in the judgment of Ben's constituents — the people who ought to know him best — they are engaged in a work of supererogation. The publication of his recent (unuttered) peace speech in the Richmond journals, is considered conclusive proof of the man's disloyalty; not taking into account at all the editorial puff with which the publication is accompanied. All ‘"investigation"’ of the man's ‘"loyalty,"’ after this, is certainty a sheer waste of time.

I think in the course of a few days you will hear that a mass meeting of Benjamin's constituents is to be held for the purpose ‘"of repudiating the sentiments"’ of his speech, repudiating the idea that he represents anybody in New York but himself, and respectfully requesting him to resign. Months ago some such meeting came very near being held, but it was hushed up, at the time by some of Wood's personal friends; but the publication of his speech in the Richmond papers is more than our people will stand without a loud public protest.

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Corruption in the Federal Congress.

Mr. Simmons, of Rhode Island, U. S. Senator, has been caught taking 5 per cent for getting contracts. Mr. Schubarth, of Providence, R. I., gave Simmons $10,000 for getting the contract, and swore to the fact before the Congressional Investigating Committee.

Senator Simmons appeared before the Commission and read the testimony, and remarked that ‘ "there were trifling errors therein."’ Mr. Schubarth came to him with a letter of introduction from Messrs. A. D. & J. Y. Smith, a business firm of Providence, ‘"of great wealth and respectability,"’ to use Mr. Simmons's own language, stating that the bearer was the inventor of a breech-loading rifle, and desired to obtain an order from the Government for its use in the army and navy.

The Senator got an interview at the State Department and found the invention was not satisfactory. Springfield rifled muskets were wanted, and he got an order for twenty thousand, to which was afterwards added one for thirty thousand, making fifty thousand in all. Messrs. Smith afterwards declined embarking in the business, and Schubarth found other parties in New York who would carry out the contract. Mr. Simmons testified before the committee on this point:

‘"They wanted an understanding with me about my commission. I saw them and took from them an agreement in writing to pay, at certain stipulated times, the amount agreed upon. The agreement was without qualification or condition, and had no connection with what the Government might subsequently do, only binding themselves to a due execution of the order on their part. Under and in pursuance of this agreement, they subsequently gave me one note payable in August and one in September next, both amounting to ten thousand dollars, which I expect will be paid, as I have no doubt of their responsibility."’

The committee in their report draw it very mild and say:

‘ "Senator Simmons, we doubt not, regards his action in accepting this compensation as strictly legal, and we cannot, in the present condition of the legislation of Congress upon this subject, contest his opinion. That, however, the receipt of a large moneyed reward, by a member of the United States Senate, for such services, rendered for one of his constituents, is in harmony with the spirit of our institutions, we cannot but deny."

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How are we to Deal with rebels?
[from the Boston Bulletin.]

The question — How are we to deal with the enemies of the Union?--is now of practical importance. Thirteen months have clapsed since the first rebel gun was fired at Fort Sumter, and yet the restoration of the people of the South to the Union and to their allegiance, seems no nearer accomplished to-day than it was a year since. The reason why this has not been is not that the Government lacks strength to enforces its laws and crush rebellion; our resources as a people are boundless, and the will of the people is as one man. The difficulty has been that at every demonstration of physical strength a naval weakness has followed. Experience has proved what many predicted at the outset, that leniency was out of the question. This view was not confined to the North--it prevails among those of the South who have a real desire to see the Union restored. They have told the Government repeatedly that nothing but the strongest measures will convince the deluded masses that the North is in earnest.

The strong and of the Nation must come down with force upon those who dared to rebel against the Government. The time for conciliation has long since passed away. We must fight rebellion and put it down wherever, whenever and in whatever shape we find it. There can be no discrimination between the degrees of actual treason. Gen. Halleck restored order in St. Louis, and saved the State, because the people believed in the terrible carnestuess of his proclamation. He flung the responsibility of all cruelty committed upon those men who secretly sympathized with the rebellion, knowing that their influence was strong enough to control the rabble.

Gen. Butler has followed the same plan in New Orleans, and now we want to see it carried out in Virginia. The letter of the Mayor of New Orleans was no more insulting than the speech of the Mayor of Norfolk. It is as much an insuit to our flag to talk against the Government as to fight against it. The Union people of Baltimore have got the right spirit, and it only needs that Government should adopt it, that law and order may be sustained by law and not by the rabble. The Government must clear up this rebellion as it goes along, leaving nothing behind to create a new force.