The Daily Dispatch: August 8, 1862., [Electronic resource]

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Later from the North.

We have received Northern papers to the 4th inst. There is nothing of importance from McClellan's army. A regiment crossed the river and destroyed the houses and levelled the trees on the opposite side which has screened the Confederate artillery on the night of the last attack. The Confederate dasher are going on bravely. They have captured Canton, Mo., and a quantity of arms. They are also reported to have a Federal force surrounded at Bloomfield, Missouri. The Governor of New York is to issue his proclamation for drafting in a few days. Among those killed in McClellan's camp by the artillery attack was one of the provost guard at the Selden Mansion. The Confederate firing was too high to do much damage. The Northern account of the attack on the Arkansas acknowledges it to have been a dead failure. Lieut. Col. Ellett himself volunteered to run into her with the ram ‘"Queen,"’ with a picked crew. He kept his word, and got his ship torn all to pieces, not having even dinted the iron plating of his antagonist. The failure has caused much bitter recrimination among the Commodores of the fleet.

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The Bayonet vote in Baltimore.

The election for the second branch of the City Council took place in Baltimore on the 1st. There were only 5,000 (! !) votes polled, and of course the Federal had it all their own way. A letter to the Philadelphia Inquirer thus ‘"accounts"’ for the slim vote:

It is supposed not less than three thousand Union mechanics and workingmen are out of the city, very many of them employed by the Government at Washington, and in its various departments elsewhere.

There are, possibly, three to four thousand good loyalists in the army. Two of the largest and most populous Union wards in the city held no election. Their representative in the Second Branch being a loyal man and strong supporter of the Government, had no occasion to resign. These would have annealed the vote probably to six thousand. Deduct, then, six thousand as being absent — yes, seven thousand--say six thousand who did not vote at all — count yesterday's vote at six thousand--would give, in close contest, twenty thousand Union votes in the city. If the issue were squarely put between Union and disunion, or a proposition to sustain the Government or destroy it to break up, geographically, our country or not — in other words, to let the South secede and be acknowledged as an independent Government, taking with her Maryland and what else she demands — I doubt if three thousand votes could be had for it in the whole city.

I imagine our City Council, or the second branch thereof, just elected, will, on Monday or Tuesday, pass the bounty appropriation bill, after which time persons who have been holding back for the preminto of $100 will come forward and unite themselves with the army. If Maryland's quota cannot be raised in this way within a reasonable time, drafting will undoubtedly be resorted to, by which means we can get rid of a fair proportion of our Secession brethren. They will make excellent soldiers after a little training, with bayonets in front and in the rear.

It is generally believed, unless they greatly change their tone and adopt a more respectful course towards loyal citizens, cesses scenting, &c., that the oath of allegiance or the alternative of going to Dixie, will be soon put to many of our most rabid and indiscreet sympathizers with treason. They are in nervous apprehension.

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The Question Settled about Guerillas being entitled to the treatment of soldiers.

The following correspondence has passed be between Gen. Dan'l Ruggies. C. S. A., and Picayune Butler.

Headq'rs, 1st District.
Dep't East Louisiana and Mississippi.

General — I have received petitions from officers of the 1st regiment Louisiana Partizan Rangers touching the case of Henry Castle, a private of company H. of that regiment, and also an application respecting Thomas C. Pennington, a private of Capt. Wilson Tate's company, of the same regiment, and I deem it expedient to request your early consideration of the subject. It appears that private Castle was captured by a detachment of Federal troops in the vicinity of Baton Rouge, on or about the 7th of the present month, and private Pennington on or about the 28th day of June; that they were taken to New Orleans, and are now held either there or at one of the forts in the vicinity in close confinement; with the threat that they are to be tried and executed as members of a military organization not ctioned by the laws of civilized warfare. It is to be observed that the first great law of nature, the right of self-defence, is inherent in communities as well as individuals.

No law condemns the individual who slays the robber or assassin. And no just law can condemn a community for using all its power to resist the invader and drive him from their soft. The exercise of this right so universally recognized becomes an imperative duty when the invader, as has been the case with the Federal troops in this district, disregards those rules of warfare recognized and respected by all civilized nations, and adopts that code which has heretofore been confined to the rudest savages. The proof of this at unfortunately too abundant in the vicinity of Batch Rouge. It is arrested by helpless women and children flying from their burning homes, and by desolation of plantations, by the plunder of private property, and the wanton destruction of growing crops. Such acts are crimes against humanity, and justify all men in taking up arms against their perpetrators. The independence of nations has rarely been achieved by regular armies.

Our own revolution — that revolution which successfully established the great principle for which the Confederate States are now contending, ‘"that all Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed"’--was mainly fought out by men who left the plough at the news of the enemy's approach, and returned to it when he had been driven back. It may be conceded that in Europe, where the Governments mainly rely upon large standing armies, which are as much as possible disconnected with the people, and where the policy is to prevent the people from bearing arms underact most any circumstances, some very absurd refinements on this subject have been asserted, and to some extent tolerated. But such doctrines have never been recognized on this continent. The United States especially have repudiated them.

The various revolutions which have agitated the Central and South American States have been conducted by the people, frequently without organization and without leaders other than those chosen upon the spur of the occasion to direct a single enterprise. And to recur to the Revolution of our forefathers, the history of that immortal struggle abounds with instances where the hardy yeoman — as at Lexington and Bunker Hill — were like the clansmen of Roderick Dhn, called by a concerted signal to some ‘"Limerick Mead,"’ and there select their officers upon the very field of battle. But whatever differences of opinion may exist on this point, it has never been claimed, even by the most stringent advocates of legitimacy, that one belligerent has any right to complain of the name or form which the other may choose to give to its military organization.

The right to adapt these to the peculiar service required has been universally conceded; so far, indeed, has this practice been carried in naval warfare, that privateersmen, ‘"the militia of the seas,"’ with charters as broad as the ocean's bounds, are recognized as legitimate among belligerents.--And now, indeed, the extraordinary spectacle is presented to the contemplation of civilized man in this boasted nineteenth century of the Christian world; of a nation claiming to be civilized, in violation of its constitutional obligations, inanguaraling deliberately servile war by stimulating the half civilized African to raise his hand against his master and benefactor, and thus make war upon the Angle Saxon race — war on human nature. This with the Federal Government is legitimate warfare; but the defence of their firesides by Southern citizens is treason and murder.

In military organizations, the Polish Lancers, French Zouaves, and British corps of scouts and guides in the late East Indian war, are cases in point. The Confederate States claim and have exercised this undoubted right. The formation of companies, battalions, and regiments of partisan rangers has been specially authorized by an act of Congress. The officers of this corps are commissioned. The men are regularly mustered into service, receive pay, rations, and equipments from the Government, and are entitled to the same privileges and governed by the same regulations as all other troops in the Confederate service. It is asked, therefore, what pretext can be offered by the enemy for subjecting the members of this corps to a different treatment from that extended to other prisoners of war? Certainly no such distinction can be recognized or tolerated by us.

The Government having called these men into service, is bound by every obligation of good faith to protect them to the extent of its power; and if found necessary for their protection, as well as for that of numerous unarmed citizens who have been subjected to outrages unparalleled in civilized warfare, will not hesitate, I feel constrained to declare, to resort to retaliation, even to the extent sanctioned by the Jewish law — an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and life for life. I await an answer, containing an explicit declaration of the intentions of the United States Government respecting these prisoners.

Headq's Department of the Gulf,

It is the intention of the United States Government to let these men go on their parole,

and one of them has been gone more than a week.

A letter from New Orleans gives the following account of the treatment of the two Confederate officers who bore the letter above published to Buller:

Colonel Jones and Lieutenant Barrow remained through the day at the famous lake resort kept by Dan Hickox, of almost world-wide reputation, and towards evening General Butler sent two of his aids, with his carriage, to bring the Confederate officers into the city, as they were anxious to see their merchants on matters of private business.

They arrived at General Butler's residence between nine and ten o'clock in the evening, where they were received with distinguished courtesy by the General and his staff. Arrangements for their stay were made in the next house--Governor Shepley's — and yesterday they were allowed to drive through a part of the city in company with Lieut. Wiegel, A. D. C., to make some personal purchases. They will return to Camp Moore to-day, and they certainly can find no fault with General Butler's hospitality. They are very agreeable gentlemen, and I think Colonel Jones, who is an old Bell and Everett man, has some affection for the good old flag left in his heart yet. Mr. Barrow frankly avows himself an uncompromising, dyed in the wool secessionist. They are both of them very wealthy planters in this State.

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Reports of Refugees.

A letter from Fortress Monroe, of July 28th, gives the following story of two ‘"refugees"’ from Richmond, who arrived there the day before:

James river is not entirely obstructed from Richmond to Fort Darling. There is a passage through which the rebel gunboat Teazer recently passed, and through which the new Merrimac, iron gunboat, recently finished, will come down, if required. This passage can at any time be obstructed at short notice. The fortifications at Fort Darling are complete. The whole work is said to be thoroughly mined, and the force, around it large. No uncertainty is expressed at Richmond as to holding the place.

Before the retreat of McClellan gold was worth $2.50, Confederate money, to the dollar. Now $1.50 can hardly be obtained. There have long been camps of instruction throughout the South, and especially in Georgia, and well-drilled troops are now incessantly pouring into Richmond. The effective force there is estimated at least at 250,000 men. That of the whole South at 500,000, scattered at various points. My informants hear no complaint of scarce crops, beyond that of corn.--Flour is at $20 a barrel, (Confederate money,) but no failure of the wheat crop is anticipated. Much wheat is now consumed for coffee. Provisions are tolerably plentiful, except tea and coffee, but prices are high, and many suspected Union men are required to report daily at the Provost Marshal's, rather than the Government should be at the expense of keeping them in prison. Eggs, $1 a dozen; onions, eight for $1; sugar, 75 cents per pound; molasses, $8 a gallon; matches, 25 cents a box. Great activity at the Tredegar Iron Works. The gentleman saw Jeff. Davis on horseback last Monday, apparently in good health.

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The position on the Peninsula.
[from the New York Times, August 2d]

The telegrapher at Harrison's Landing informs us, in regard to the cannonade opened by the rebels on Thursday night, that ‘"the rebels had it all their own way for some time, as our troops did not anticipate an attack."’ It is difficult to conjecture what is anticipated by Gen. McClellan's army.--Isolated in a hostile country, with enemies swarming every bush, bivouacked in every grove, latent behind every point of vantage, outnumbering our diminished force three to one--so daring as to capture a schooner in mid-river where the water is covered with National vessels, and so active that their batteries present themselves daily at some new spot on the bank; with all these intimations that the rebels have not laid down their arms, or offered an armistice, it might be supposed that our troops could not be surprised by any attack — that our Generals would always be prepared and on the watch. An attack from the very quarter whence this was made has certainly been anticipated by the people at large, and has, in fact, been for several days a principal source of public anxiety. There has seemed to be no reason why the enemy — holding the entire south bank of the James, and able to bring his artillery and mortars to bear upon the national encampments and gunboats — should not shower a storm of shot and shell into our lines at any moment. Whatever might be the amazement of the astonished telegrapher at this catastrophe, he may rest assured there is no one elsewhere to share it.

But whatever the previous dangers from this source have been, the apprehension may now be laid aside. The appearance of Com. Porter's mortar fleet in the James river renders Gen. McClellan secure from the enemy's river batteries opposite his lines or below them. It makes it impracticable for the rebels to continue at their labor of throwing up works, planting guns, and massing troops at points most convenient for operating against him. The mortar boats, in conjunction with the fleet of gunboats already in the James, will be enabled to keep up a ceaseless shower of metal, solid and explosive, at all points on the river from which the rebels can annoy our shipping, interrupt our lines of communication, or operate effectively against Harrison's Point. They are able to drive away, or drive back, the rebels who, on the South side of the James, have crossed the Appomattox, and seem of late to be attempting to from convenient lodgments. And in regard to the interruption of the navigation of the James river, there can be no danger whatever, now that such a tremendous combined fleet plows its waters and rakes its shores by night and by day. So far as any apprehensions may have been entertained for the safety of Gen. McClellan's army, they may be dismissed. If he cannot, as yet, attack the rebel army with assurance of success, there is not force enough in all Virginia, nor in all rebeldom, to make a successful attack upon his position.

In regard again to the transportation of Gen. McClellan's army from Harrison's Point to a more convenient base for active operations against Richmond, if such a measure should have been projected, or should be thought desirable. The difficulties, at first sight, seem great; and great enough they undoubtedly would be, if we had not the means we already have for overcoming them. But they have been greatly exaggerated. Gen. McClellan could move his entire army and all his material from the Peninsula before the rebels could by any possibility so mass their forces, or prepare batteries, as to seriously interfere with the work, or molest any part of his force. There is an enormous fleet of steam and other transports already in the James river and at Hampton Roads; precisely how many the Navy Department only can tell, and the public do not care to know, so long as they are assured that it is sufficient to answer any exigency. These vessels and transports were sent there in the first instance, not for any such purpose as to carry Gen. McClellan's army down the river, or across it even; but they are none the less available for the work on that account. Under convoy of the gunboats — under guardianship of the mortar fleet; these transports can navigate the James with as much safety as if there was not a rebel gun on either of its banks. It is now seen to be more than likely, since we have learned of the movements and developments of the last few days, that there will need to be no such thing as a transfer of Gen. McClellan's army from the Peninsula, but that he will remain there for the brief time necessary to give him strength to march onward to Richmond. But the public need to be in no way perturbed as to his ample ability to defend himself from a land attack, and, if it is deemed advisable, to carry his army safely down the James, or transfer it to the other side.

The rebel boasts as to what their new Merrimac (or Richmond) and its consort ram are going to do against Gen. McClellan's army, and against our navy, are preposterous. We have a far greater naval force in the James now than we had when the first Merrimac committed self-slaughter, because, as its commander has confessed, the contest with the National fleet was hopeless; and that naval force, if properly and boldly handled, is sufficient to fight and destroy half a dozen Merrimacs. We learn this morning, from one of our special correspondents with the army — what we had not previously learned by telegraph — that the new rebel monster made its appearance on Wednesday last, and our fleet was promptly drawn up to give it battle. Of the issue of the contest which seems to be impending, neither Wilkes nor McClellan have any fear.

From all the rebel movements it appears, from this distance, that they feel the need of making some demonstration against General McClellan as soon as they possibly can. Our army, however, is still strong, well entrenched, and well protected; and our navy, always invincible, is now marshaled in a force far greater than ever before, and in a position where it can render more effective service than on any previous occasion. If the rebels provoke an engagement, they may be grievously disappointed in its issue.

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The silver Lining.
[from the same.]

While public enthusiasm is at low ebb, it is difficult for us to understand our true position. It cannot for a moment be denied that we have been out generated, and met with reverse in military affairs during the past few months. A cloud has risen and shed its dark shadows over our present (not future) prospects. Doubt is depicted in the countenances of those formerly the most sanguine. The army which was so long ‘"all quiet on the Potomac,"’ is now, as circumstances will admit, all quiet on the James. Progress is at a stand-still, and the only effort made is to ‘"hold our own,"’ or to guard against the spring for which the enemy have recalled.

We do not for a moment doubt the ability of our army to hold at bay the regions of Jeff. Davis. The object of the call for exile troops is to push forward more vigorously the war, and at once to crush out each vestige of the rebellion.

When we come to penetrate beneath the surface of the general ‘"aspect of affairs," ’ we have greater reason to hope than doubt. Our army before Richmond has been matched with the strongest force that rebeldom can muster at any one point, in short, we know the strength of the South, and can prepare to meet it. Our resources are as yet but half developed; we have not even put ourselves to alight inconveniences. Business operations are unstayed, money is plenty, and we have as yet made no sacrifices, comparatively. The absence of the men, even, that compose our large army is not missed beyond the immediate circle of friends. The Treasury is in good condition; and ‘ "public stocks"’ are worth a premium, instead of being below par, as they were at the time Buchanan's term of office expired. There is a force behind, which once around will be sufficient to utterly conquer the South. As a nation, we have been asleep, but it is the sleep that forestalls vigor for the giant task before us.

No plow has been left in the farrow; no grain unreaped for the want of a laborer; no anvil silent for the want of an arm to wield the hammer. All move on as in the days of peace. Not so with the South. Every available means is brought into requisition — all is concentrated in the present struggle. The moment we have a sufficient force in the field to take Richmond and overthrow the rebel Capital, we have the upper hand of the rebels, and have only to press it heavily upon our disheartened foes — aye, ‘"press them to the wall."’ Again, the putting of negro labor to our use in digging ‘"entrenchments,"’ &c., will add new heart and muscle to our over-taxed soldiers, and it will at the same time be the means of detracting from the strength of our enemy, affording a double source of profit to us, which makes it essentially politic. What is wanted is a waking up to our true condition. The people of the North are not lacking in patriotism or means, neither are they going to be backward in individual efforts when they are made perfectly to understand that much devolves upon them severally. They have not yet comprehended that fact in full, believing that there were enough to enlist who are anxious to do so, and had nothing else to do; but when they learn that they are called to the rescue, that there is a principle at the bottom of this thing, they will unitedly put their shoulders to the wheel. It is a gross and clumsy piece of machinery, this of war-making, and it takes long to start it, but its momentum, when once it shall be started, will prove to be irresistible.

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The rebels at Gloucester Point.

A correspondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer writes from Yorktown, under date of July 29:

During last week, Gen. Van Alen, in command at this post, received information from contrabands and deserters that the rebels, under Col. Hayes, were advancing on Gloucester Point with a force of two thousand infantry, artillery, and cavalry, and that they had made Gloucester Court-House a regular military station as well as provision depot.--This information was at first discredited, but contrabands continued to come in terribly alarmed, telling corroborating stories, which forced us to heed them. We resorted to certain means to obtain the requisite knowledge. The information obtained by our own resources only confirmed the statements of the others in every particular, save the numbers, which dwindled down to six hundred cavalry and two pieces of artillery.

Accordingly, we prepared for the crisis. Capt. Patterson, whose gunboat, Chocorua, always ready and on the watch, lay in the river between this and Gloucester Point, took up a position so as to rake the approaches to the fort. Thus prepared, he waited watchfully for their advent. About dark a contraband, whom Capt. Patterson had employed to watch the movements of the enemy, came down to the beach, jumped into his boat, and rowed to the side of the Chocorua, and reported the rebels within range of her guns. The Chocorua lay quiet until the first intimation of their presence was discovered by the lookout from the quarter deck. Very soon an old building was fired by the rebels, which was no sooner discovered than a 20 pounder Parrot was opened upon them. They paid very little attention to the first shot, and continued to fire the old buildings, which had been built and used as soldiers quarters during the occupation of the place.

From the shore at Yorktown we could see the movements of the rebels by the illumination of the burning houses, and also the operations of the gunboat. We at first thought the efforts of the Chocorua would be unavailing but when she brought to bear her heavy 11 inch Dahlgren upon them, it produced a very peculiar effect. At the explosion of the first monster shell the rebels deserted the buildings and sought refuge in safer quarters, and well they might, for the very first shell passed from the eleven inch directly through a house which the rebels were firing, and it is reported that he who bore the torch had his hand torn off by the shell. It was a magnificent shot. After this the rebels were seen running into the fort. The guns were brought to bear upon it and a cannonading kept up for about three hours, at short intervale, during which time many excellent shots were made. The rebels, concluding they had caught a Tartar left without returning the salutation.

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The New Orleans Delta--its Conductors.

A letter from New Orleans to the New York Times, gives a history of the Delia under Yankee management. It seems Yankee editors, with guards at the office door to protect them, can be very impudent when they have the opportunity. --The letter says:

‘ The editors of the John Clark, formerly of the Boston Courtier, Col. E. M. Brown, formerly of the Woodstock, & Vt., Age, and Major Joseph M. Bell, the able Provost Judge. Captain Clark is the chief and fighting editor. On the night before the revival of the Delta under the new regime, Captain Clark found a burly man in the office, reading proofs. He inquired of the foreman; Mr. Barnes, who ‘ "this person."’ was. Mr. Barnes replied, ‘"This is Mr. Stith, late foreman of the office."’ Stith was just then reading an editorial of Clark's in which he felicitated the people of New Orleans upon their change of rulers and the expulsion of Wm. S. Munroe to Fort Jackson. It was further stated that, for ten years previous, there had not been an honest man in the Mayor's chair. As Stith was an Ex-Mayor of Thug and thieving memory, the editor did not interrupt his reading; but when he set down the proof he requested Mr. Stith to leave the office, and instructed the guards not to permit him to enter the office again. The next incident was this: Judge Walker, the ex-editor of the Delta, desired that card be published in the paper announcing that he was not responsible for the changed sentiments of the journal. The new editor took the ground that a traitor had no rights which a Union soldier was bound to respect, and therefore forbid the publication of the card. This went on for three days. Finally, Walker called at the editorial office of the Delta, when, with haughty tone, he demanded as a right to have his repudiating card inserted. A keen colloquy ensued, which Capt. Clark brought to a close in the following language:

‘"You presume on the forbearance of the Commanding General, who, though you are a traitor, has permitted you to go at large. You also come in here and demand editorial courtesy. You, sir, who, during the past eighteen months, have done little else than plot treason against the State. I owe you no courtesy. There is the door — go out; and while I occupy this chamber, never again enter it."’ The next incident was this: The Delta office is owned by the Bible Society. Early in June, a sanctimonious-appearing person presented himself, ‘"Can I,"’ he inquired, ‘"see Captain Clark? "’ ‘"That is my name,"’ said the editor. ‘"I represent the owners of this building, and I come to inquire about the payment of the rent."’ Clark looked at the minister, paused a moment and observed. ‘"In view, sir, of the uses which you have permitted your building to be devoted to during the past year — uses so unworthy of Bible publishers and pious people — it is due to frankness that I should tell you that so long as I occupy this building, so long as there is a rebel in the field, I shall pay no rent to your Bible Society, Now, do we understand each other?"’ ‘"I must own you are plain spoken,"’ said the parson. ‘"Very well,"’ said the Captain; ‘ "good morning,"’ and he withdrew. These are but a few of the many incidents of Union editorial life in New Orleans. The overtopping circulation of the Delta over the other journals is the best proof I can give that the people like the plain talk and bold stand which the revivified Delta has taken under Clark, Brown & Bell.

’

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No troops yet — drafting must be resorted to.

The New York Post publishes a letter from the army at Harrison's Landing loudly calling for more troops. It says the ‘"North talks too much"’ and does too little. It adds:

‘ Four weeks have passed since the call has been made, and not a regiment yet from New York or elsewhere but Vermont. It is silly for us to talk about an available militia force of two million five hundred thousand men, when the North could not spare us a paltry thirty thousand to take Richmond.

We will have another tough time of it — for we have few more troops than we had when we arrived, and the enemy is constantly reinforced through his superior system of drafting. They can get more troops in a week than we get in a month. Let us for once have some common sense. The physique of the Southern troops is quite as good as ours, and their Napoleonic system of promotions only by merit will make their army soon better than our own; for we can still afford, it seems, to deal out in profusion Brigadierships for our army to men utterly incapable, and universally known to be so. It is nothing less than murder.

Our corps is hardly fit to go into a fight, having suffered three and a half times more than Franklin's; which is the next largest loser. I may say our brigade suffered most. Indeed, at review our whole regiment, the other day, looked small, we having only 250 men at to fight, and few officers. I am anxious to see this rebellion put down, but the North will not, cannot succeed, unless it works with all the energy and means in its power. This is no small foe, and I can assure you will soon be our equal, if not superior, in drill and discipline; from the manner of selecting officers, the two systems cannot be compared, and he has more men.

We are going to work in New York as though we wanted an army next spring. We want at least 500,000 men to-day to put down the rebellion, and 300,000 more in six months from now, if by that time the rebellion is not crushed. We want to keep our troops up to the standard, and to keep our regiments full constantly, and not to allow them to sink down to 200 or 300 men.

’

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Leading men wanted in the Federal army.

The Bottom Journal has an editorial on volunteer-

ing which will be very unpalatable to the ‘"solid men"’ of that city. It thinks the large bounties and subscriptions by citizens haven't done much for the cause, and says:

‘ It becomes us to inquire whether additional means are not necessary to secure us against the risks of failure. Instead, then, of every man of means and influence in the community casting about to see how he can induce somebody else to go to the war, would it not be advisable to consider, first, why he should not go himself? The army is suffering for want of the leading men of the North in its ranks — recruiting is suffering for the same reason — and so, too, is the public sentiment of the North. We all see it, and why should we not mention it?

By leading men, we simply mean the more favored and influential section of every community — active business men in every vocation, employers, men who rely on their skill and capital rather than manual labor, professional men, &c. These are the men who have the greatest stake in the salvation of their country. They ought to be fully represented in the army. Are they? Do we see them contributing their share — not of money, for they are nobly doing that, but of men — to the new enlistments? We fear not; and yet, what an impulse they might give, far beyond the most liberal bounties yet offered ! Suppose that out of this great city only ten or twelve of such young or middle-aged men as we have indicated should to- day offer themselves to the ranks, trusting to their own buoyant merit to settle their position hereafter, would not hundreds be brought ought by their example? And in what other way could they do so much good, even if Providence should protract their lives to the utmost limits, amid all the conceivable privileges won by the bravery and the blood of others? How, also, could they better build up sterling characters for themselves, or found more precious attachment in the hearts that are near and dear to them?

We are told that our women are keeping back volunteers, and we are pointed to the devotion, however mistaken, of the women of the South,--The trouble is not here. Woman is ever but the depository and exponent of the dominant feeling of the community — and man is the pioneer. If he has not entered into the field of active patriotism, she will linger. Have we, then, who pretend to represent the intelligence and the activity of the North, have we done our duty in this respect? Have we, in our daily lives, in the presence of our families and friends, given the impression that our love of country is real, vital, something for which we are willing to live or die, as the good of the country shall require? We feel profoundly thankful that so goodly a representation of the talent and influence and moral worth of the North is now in the loyal army — but we want more. Of all times, too, we want it now.

’

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Yankee description of Sunday in a captured town.

A letter in the Philadelphia Inquirer, from Fairfax C. H., thus describes a Sunday in an ‘"occupied"’ Virginia town:

The church bells rang out merrily their Sabbath chimes yesterday morning. Your correspondent rode into the village for the purpose of attending service, and also to see whether the same sermons and prayers in favor of Secession would be offered as were on the last Sabbath. I found only the Sabbath school of St. Stephen's (Episcopal) church in session. There was no preaching at any of the churches. The measures adopted by the Provost Marshal in arresting the rector of St. Stephen's church, for preaching Secession last Sabbath, had put a temporary squelch on all such proceedings, and, I presume, the people would not listen to anything but Secession, and hence the reason why there were no services. The places of business were closed; the citizens were dressed in their best ‘"bibs and tuckers."’

The gentlemen (?) promenaded the streets, or established themselves in arm chairs in front of the hotels, from whence they scowled in derision and anger at the boys in blue coats with shining sabres or warning bayonets, who were pacing the streets doing guard duty. The ladies, (?) also, were arrayed in their very best, and sat, with affected dignity, upon the plazas of the many beautiful residences of the lovely village. The orders of Gen. Pope have reached the ears of the people here, and our brave boys are not insulted quite as frequently as heretofore. The females are afraid that a second Butter is amongst us, and as many of them are not quite ready to be considered ‘"women of the town,"’ they keep their months closed, and act with that decency for which we look from woman.

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The Southern treatment of prisoners.

A letter from Harrison's Landing says:

‘ The Elm City arrived to-day with some 400 sick and wounded Union prisoners from Richmond. --They all reiterate the wretched condition of the hospitals there, if pest-houses can be so called. I am sorry to say that the soldiers of the Elm City give hard accounts of their treatment, many of them going far enough to say that their sufferings were not entirely caused by the lack of food, medicines, &c. among the rebels, but that the latter made discrimination between our soldiers and their own, depriving our men of comforts which they administered to the rebel sick. If this be so, it is not following the good and humane example we set them; for, in our hospitals, no distinction what ever is made between he sick and helpless, be they loyal or rebel.

One thing of consequence I gained from one or two intelligent officers, and that is that the cereal crop in Virginia is a total failure — a fact that is pretty broadly hinted at in their own papers. My informants assure me that all along the road from Richmond to Petersburg they saw lands covered with corn which had hitherto been devoted to tobacco, and that, while an ambitious stalk was seen shooting up here and there, the whole presented a puny and sickly appearance that could never come to maturity. This fact alone will prove more disastrous to the rebels than the loss of a dozen battles. Let them boast and talk about the last ditch as they please — to fight men must be fed.

The Daniel Webster, Capt. Blethen, is also in with our Richmond prisoners — about 200; most of the men are in a very bad state, and all giving the same account of their treatment. Gen. McClellan came on board of this boat at Harrison's Landing, spent two or three hours in greeting and conversing with the men, and spreading among them his own undiminished enthusiasm.

’

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Experience of a "British subject."

Peter Dolan, a printer, from Ireland, for 20 years a resident of America, and for a long time a citizen of Charleston, left here some months ago with his ‘"papers"’ as a British subject, intending to go North with his family. He went to Norfolk, Va., and tried to get a passport there for a long time, with the following result:

Finally, when Mr. Myers's shilly shallying became positively unendurable, an informal delegation of us, consisting of a Mr. Batler, of Savannah; a friend of mine, named Dick Murphy, of New York, myself, and several others, invested Mr. Myers's office. I was spokesman for the party. I said:

‘ "Mr. Myers, we are sick and tired waiting here." Mark the reply:

"You d — d Irishmen, you come to the South to make a living here, and then, when the South wants you to fight for her, you take out British protection papers from a Government you hate, and go over to the enemy, and give all the information you can about us."

I have not exaggerated his language one iota, and can bring several witnesses to corroborate my statement.

I answered--Mr. Myers, I did not expect this from you. I have always treated you as a gentleman. If I should ever live to get through the lines on the way to Canada, I shall make it my business to visit Lord Lyons, and ask his lordship whether this is the language a subject of Great Britain is to receive from one of her Majesty's consuls.

‘"Leave my office, you d — d rascal,"’ replied Mr. Myers, ‘" you haven't got your hand out of the lion's mouth yet."’

At last he came to Richmond, where he still found difficulty in getting off, but finally got this pass:

’

Headq's Department Henrico,

Richmond, July 21, 1862.

Peter Dolan, Sarah C. Dolan, Fanny Dolan, Sarah Dolan, and Caroline Dolan, British subjects, have permission to pass by way of Petersburg, in the Confederate States, to visit Montreal, Canada, subject to the control of the military authorities of the Confederate States.

John H. Winder, Brig. Gen.
Thus armed I went to Mr. Cridland, and received from him a letter of introduction to the Provost Marshal of Petersburg, Col. Pannell.
He got to Petersburg, and thence went by flag of truce North. He boats of having "talked secesh" very strong down South. Among the valuable information imparted by Dolan is the fact that the "Merrimac No. 2 had been taken up to the Tredegar Works to have her iron put on." He says that after the late battles, every man in Richmond possessed of three shirts was compelled to give one to the army, such was the scarcity of clothing.

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Financial.

New York, Aug, 2

--The week closes on an easy money market. Call loans are quoted at 4@5 per cent., and strictly prime paper at 5@6 per cent. Foreign Exchange closes dull at 125@127 for bankers' sterling, and on Paris 4£ 52½ @4£ 45. American Gold closes steady at 15@15½ per cent. prem.--California gold bars firm at 16@16½ per cent. prem. Government Stocks quiet; United States Sixes, 1881, 98½@99; Seven-thirty Treasury Notes 102½ @ 102¾. Stocks inactive. Reading advanced ½ and Hudson ½; Michigan Southern, Illinois Central, and Cleveland and Toledo, declined ½, and Michigan Southern, guaranteed, ½. There was no second session of the Board to- day.

Closing Price.--Erle, 33½ @33¾; Reading, 55½ @55¾; New York Central, 89¾@90; Michigan Southern, 24Ê @25; Michigan Southern, guaranteed, 55@55¼; Illinois Central, 56¾ @57; Canton, --@--; Harlam, 14@14½ Hudson, 35@35 ¼ Cleveland and Toledo, 44¼@44½, Market inactive.

Office of the Assis't Treasurer U. S.
New York, August 2, 1862.

Total Receipts	$1,428,551,18
Total Payments	1,613,830,99
Total Balance	10,333,719,48
For Customs	100,000,00