The speech of Lord Palmerston, at
Sheffield, contains little more than was given in the telegraphic summary of it. The following extract is its conclusion, after speaking of the situation of the
Government relative to the distress of the people:
‘
Yet, greatly as they commiserated that distress greatly as they admired the manly fortitude with which it had been endured, anxious as they must all be to relieve it, he was persuaded that the good sense of the people of
England, and the proper feeling even of the sufferers themselves, must acknowledge that the
Government were wise in not endeavoring to aim at the relief of that distress by measures of war, which, so far from mitigating, would only have aggravated the evil.
The Government had before thought it their duty to advise their sovereign to observe a strict and rigid neutrality in that most unhappy conflict now waging in
North America.
(Cheers.) It was indeed painful to witness the loss of life, the wasting of treasure, and other sad concomitants of that unfortunate contest; but, greatly as they might lament to set their brethren on the other side of the
Atlantic suffering much wretchedness, greatly as we might ourselves feel the evils consequent upon it, he was convinced that the course we had pursued was the only course which became this country, and that it had received, and would continue to receive the approval and sanction of the
British people.--(Cheers.) All would hope that these evils must have an end; all must hope that better feelings and more charitable sentiments might make way on the other side of the
Atlantic, and although hitherto there has appeared no relenting of the animosities of the contending parties, we might devoutly pray that peace would at length arise out of this afflicting war, and that another year might not see the continuance of that effusion of blood which now deluged the
American soil.
(Loud, prolonged cheers.)
Mr. Roebuck afterwards addressed the assembly.
Having paid a tribute to the late Prince Consort, and dilated upon the beneficial influence of the
international Exhibition, the honorable gentleman referred to the distress in
Lancashire.
He ascribed the manly and peaceful attitude of the unemployed under their sufferings to the effect of education, and deprecated any attempt to set class against class by in any way a the misfortune of the operatives to their employers.--Touching upon the civil war in
America, he said he had at first looked at the disruption of the
Union with grief; but his present feeling was one of rejoicing.
An irresponsible people, possessed of irresponsible and almost omnipotent power, was a people that could not be trusted, and he regarded the attempt of the
North in endeavoring to restore the
Union by force as an immoral proceeding, totally incapable of success.
(Cheers and ‘"No."’) Slavery was a mere pretence.
In the
North the feeling against the black man was stronger then in the
South, and if North and South were re-united to morrow, slavery would be more firmly fixed than ever.
America had been intolerant and overbearing towards
England, and we had on almost every occasion given up to her. The consequence was seen in the affair of the
Trent, and if there was one bright spot on the noble
Lord's escutcheon, it was his conduct in dealing with that difficulty.
(Cheers.) He looked to
Lancashire, and would entreat the noble
Lord to weigh well the consequences of what he called ‘"perfect neutrality."’ There had not yet been perfect neutrality.
We were at present supporting the
North with every means of offence and injury to the
South.
He therefore begged the noble
Lord deeply to consider whether the time had not come for him to be the first in
Europe to ask the great Powers of
Europe to recognize the Southern Confederacy.
（‘"No, no,"’ and cheers.) Six months would not pass over before that was done.
The Northerners would never be our friends.
Of the Southerners we could make friends.
They were not the scum and refuse of
Europe, but Englishmen.
A hand held out from
Europe would put a stop to the effusion of blood, and would make the homes of our working men happy again.
He had not made these remarks lightly, or in haste, and he submitted them to his fellow-countrymen, believing that, if acted upon, they would redound to our prosperity and honor.
(Cheers.)
’
The
Paris correspondent of the London
Times, writing on the 8th inst., says:
‘
I may now mention that
Mr. Slidell had an audience of the
Emperor at Vichy some days back, and by all accounts was received very courteously by his Majesty.
It will be easily believed that
Mr. Slidell set forth all the arguments which, in his opinion, would justify the claim of a State to have its independence admitted — such as proved ability to defend itself against invasion, decided advantages obtained in the field since the commencement of hostilities, the constitutional conduct of its Government amid the vicissitudes and severe trials of a protracted war, and, which is not the least important, the determination of the
Confederacy never to submit, but to fight for independence to the last, and at whatever coat.
If private accounts from Vichy speak truly, the
Emperor did not seem disposed to controvert these arguments, but, on the contrary, to admit their cogency.
On this point permit me to quote a passage from Earl Russell's reply to Lord Malmesbury.
‘"With regard to
France, all I can say is that hitherto there has been an intimate and unreserved communication between her Majesty's Government and that of the
Emperor of the
French; and I do not recollect any instance in which a difference of opinion has arisen between them on this subject."’
That there has been an ‘"intimate and unreserved communication,"’ though not strictly official between the Governments, is perfectly true; but in certain (
French) official quarters here it is not merely doubted, but positively denied, that there has been no difference of opinion.
In these quarters it is now, and has been for some time, asserted that the imperial Government of
France is in favor of recognition, and that it is the
English Government that has held aloof, and still holds aloof; in a word, that, but for
England,
France would long ago have recognized the
Confederacy.
This, you will perceive, is somewhat in contradiction with Earl Russell's statement, if by ‘"no instance of a difference of opinion"’ is meant that both agree in postponing indefinitely the recognition.
That
England has no such intention at present is evident from Earl Russell's reply to the note of
Mr. Mason, (the
Southern Commissioner to
England,) formally demanding to be recognized.
Subsequently to his interview with the
Emperor, it is said that
Mr. Slidell had an interview with
M. Thouvenel, and that he presented a note about the same time as
Mr. Mason in
London, and pressing on identical grounds the recognition of the
Confederacy.
The unwillingness of
England, if not her positive rejection of the demand, was, I believe, alleged as the principal if not the only reason why
France did not act at once.
The subject is certainly one of great difficulty for
England.
The very best reasons exist for her policy; but it is peculiarly unfortunate that we seem to get no credit on either side for the integrity of our motives, our intentions, or our acts.
It is impossible to be hated more than we are in the
North, and, if it cannot be denied that we have acted impartially, the reasons assigned are anything but creditable, and the hope of convincing Northerners of our sincerity and our disinterestedness is but slight indeed.
So far as the feeling against us is concerned, it may he doubted whether actual intervention would much aggravate it. On the other hand, in the
South our neutrality is beginning to be looked upon as little better than downright hostility.
’
