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From the North.

We make some further extracts from our latest Northern papers:

The General Situation.

The Baltimore American, of the 30th, which had not yet received the news of the big fight, thus speaks of the "situation:"

‘ But let us suppose that Pope — as did Gen. Banks of late — holds his own; that his forces, although badly cut up, are not disorganized, hopelessly beaten. Upon what must then be the flank of the enemy McClellan, with everything available about Washington, will pour down, whilst, meanwhile, Burnside may get up to aid Pope, and thus cut off the rebel retreat towards Richmond, should he be worried by so much desperate fighting. In that case, destruction to the rebel host would be certain--final.

’ These are mere speculations, of course; but, based upon the actual positions held by the hostile columns, they may, in the absence of anything definite, help to elucidate the hopes and to calm the apprehensions of our readers whilst awaiting news from the great battles anticipated.

Meanwhile, happen what may, because at any moment speculation may give place to reality, and the news from the field reverse the most hopeful calculations, let us be of good cheer; let nothing shake our trust in the final success of the good cause. Relieved of that terrible feeling of stagnation which has so long weighed down, exultant even, that we shall soon see something decisive happen, we can no longer, at least, be left in that horrible condition of suspense which, to the earnest lover of his country, is worse even than the temporary disaster which might serve to arouse us to that pitch of desperation which seems actually needful to insure great achievements. So far as the rebels are concerned in this desperate and wholesale, perhaps final, raid, their "audacity" is worthy of a better cause.

And now, as all minds must be absorbed with the "situation," let us look elsewhere to see what aspects the Union cause presents. If the old adage is true, that "the darkest hour of the night is just before day," then the portents are, in that sense, calculated to excite our best hopes. At the latest advices Buell was hopelessly embargoed, either by his own want of courage and enterprise or by the presence of superior forces of the enemy. The Union General Morgan, in command at Cumberland Gap, was even in a mere hopeless predicament--one, in fact, amounting to great peril — whilst the whole country from that point through Somerset to Clarksville, between Nashville and Louisville, was overrun with, and in possession of, rebel marauding parties, Nashville being in fact quite isolated — an oasis of Unionism in the great sea of rebeldom that extends on every side. To be sure, two or three counties are held by detachments of Union troops on the road South towards Huntsville, and even the latter place, but the region between it and the Tennessee line was swarming with guerrillas, who fire into every train and imperil every advance.

Going a hundred miles or so westward to the heart of West Tennessee, matters look but little better, although Grant is reported as having moved southward with the "army of Corinth," some thirty thousand strong; but what he is to effect in a country reduced to the starvation point, and with an enemy who will probably retire from his path leaving only a scene of desolation, no one can say, Coming to this point we need not pursue the examination further, the news from most other sections showing that all are waiting for something, all apparently referring everything to the anticipated battle upon which depends the fate of the capital of the rebel Confederacy, and the advance next of the new levies which are to hold what is won or to win, if further fighting is needed.

We have said, repeatedly, we have no fear of coming results; but, on the contrary, we have the utmost faith in the ultimate triumph, indeed. The rebellion is at the last gasp both as to means and men, whilst those of the Union were never anything like so formidable, and what is to the purpose, they are daily pointing forward in steady streams for the different scenes of conflict. Should temporary and serious reverses await our forces at all points, the only effect would be to intensify patriotism and devotion to the cause; it would be all that was needed to stir the loyal men of the land to that madness which would not leave in the whole area of patriotism even a shot gun or revolver, and the hands to use them, in concluding the great conflict. The nation is a long distance short of that point yet.--Let us hope that the next few days or hours may not inaugurate scenes of which as yet we have had no adequate conception.

The position in Kentucky.

The Cincinnati Enquirer, of the 26th, (before the rout of Nelson's army by Gen. Kirby Smith,) has the following:

‘ We have late and reliable intelligence from Kentucky, which gives the precise state of military at fairs in that State. The statement of large forces of rebels invading Kentucky is now known to have been without foundation. Gen. Scott, the rebel commander of eight regiments of infantry. two regiments of cavalry, and a force of artillery, have recently entered the State with the avowed purpose of cutting off supplies and preventing reinforcements from reaching Gen. Morgan, who has 10,000 men in possession of Cumberland Gap, while a large force of rebels have surrounded the other side of the Gap to contend with Morgan for its possession. They do not dare come round into Kentucky, for then Gen. Buell would threaten their rear, and their capture would be inevitable. If with a large army they can defeat Morgan and capture his stores, arms, and men, they achieve an immense victory. They then could hold the Gap against Buell, and their forces could advance and retreat at pleasure, in perfect security, and invade Kentucky, holding the Gap as a rendezvous for their Western forces. Scott is still north of the Gap, but he has not yet cut off the supplies from reaching Morgan, although the trains are threatened with capture, and recently he attacked Metcalfe's cavalry, near Richmond, and caused him to retreat.

Gen. Nelson is in command of the Federal forces, and, it is understood, will at once put them into a camp of instruction, near Richmond, to thoroughly fit them for the field. We may confidently expect startling news from the Gap during the present week; but we firmly believe that Generals Nelson and Morgan will be fully equal to this or any similar emergency.

The recent Raids of the enemy.

[From the National Intelligencer.] In an article under the head of ‘"How to Cure a Bad Matter."’ prompted by the rumor that in the recent raid of the insurgents on Callett's Station, in rear of General Pope's army, that officer had lost not only his private baggage, but also certain valuable papers relating to the conduct of the campaign, the New York Evening Post remarks as follows:

‘ The raid on Catlett's in the rear of Gen. Pope's army, like that of Gen Stuart around the entire rear of Gen. McClellan's position on the Chickahominy, shows that with audacity and enterprise an active enemy may easily put us to blush, and cause our commanders bitter mortification, if not serious loss. If we make light of the reported loss of Gen. Pope's papers, it is not to excuse him, who, unless his actions hitherto greatly belie his character, will be bitterly stung by what he must, as a soldier, consider as a personal and admirably delivered insult to himself. It is rather that we do not trust the rumor which describes this loss to be so serious; we do not believe that even a careless commander leaves his papers lying around loose in the manner supposed.

’ The second daring and successful raid effected by the enemy at Manassas Junction, another point in the rear of Gen. Pope, and a "base of supplies" for his army, suggests that the impunity with which these petty, but annoying, movements are accomplished is emboldening the insurgents to reduce them to a system. We fear that the Confederate Generals have been encouraged to make these demonstrations on the "line of Gen. Pope's retreat" because they were aware that it does not enter into that officer's view of strategy to give any attention to the state of a fairs behind him. In his address to his soldiers, under date of last July 14th, it will be remembered that he announced as his governing principle "to study the probable lines of retreat of our opponents, and to leave our own to take care of themselves." To this effect he ordered as follows:

‘ "I desire you to dismiss from your mind certain phrases which I am sorry to find much in vogue amongst you. I hear constantly of taking 'strong positions and holding them, of lines of retreat,' and of 'bases of supplies' Let us discard such ideas. The strongest position a soldier should desire to occupy is one from which he can most easily advance against the enemy. Let us study the probable line of retreat of our opponents, and leave our own to take care of themselves. Let us look before us and not behind. Success and glory are in the advance. Disaster and shame lurk in the rear."

’ In the case of an enemy who is erratic and enterprising in his movements, it will be necessary for Gen. Pope to "look behind" as well as "before." Fortunately for him, and fortunately for the country, Gen. McClellan, with his veteran troops, is in a position to guard the army of Gen. Pope and the capital of the nation from the "disaster and shame" that "lurk in the rear."

The free will Offering of the American people.

[From the New York Herald, August 30th.] At the commencement of the rebellion we kept a list of the individual contributions, the free offerings of our people, to assist the Government in the prosecution of the war and the suppression of the unholy rebellion, until the amount reached upwards of forty-five millions of dollars, all of which was given without any expectation of its return, save in the security to life and property that would be guaranteed by the success of the Union arms, as well as the vindication of our republican form of government by the crushing out of the extensive conspiracy against it — a conspiracy not confined to our own country, but extending to the aristocracy of the Old World. Since that period no correct lists of these donations have been kept.--Not a day, however, passes without our chronicling the donation of patriotic individuals. The rich and the poor of every locality are continually placing upon the altar of their country their private means, and swelling the amount of the patriotic contributions in behalf of our Government, to a sum unparalleled in the history of the world.

Ever since the last call of the President for troops the public have liberally come forward with their funds to make the response quick and emphatic.--Individuals have given their hundreds and thousands, societies and corporations their tens and hundreds of thousands, and, in fact, liberal contributions have been made in every quarter. The circumstances connected with most of these gifts, and the manner in which they have been made, speak volumes for the patriotism of our people and their devotion to the country. Take, for example, the Police Department of this city. They have already organized two full regiments, and have two more under way, and at the same time have secured a fund for the support of the families of those who enlist in their regiments. To this fund they have already received individual contributions varying in amount from twenty-five cents to-five hundred dollars, amounting in all to upwards of thirty thousand dollars. To this there will be added, on the 1st of September, from the police force, fully $25,000 more, which will be daily augmented. The families of those who enlist in the police regiment will be visited every alternate Monday, and their necessities supplied out of this patriotic fund, thus furnishing a guarantee to those who march to the battle field that their families will not suffer while they are absent. Under this arrangement it is useless to add that the two regiments of the Police Department were recruited in less time than any other in this city.

While this and the inducements offered by individuals for recruits for particular regiments are taking place in this city, the rural districts are not behind in their free-william tags.

We give these as examples of what has been done; but other localities are not behind in their free-will offerings. If the entire amount of the individual donations could now be enumerated, together with those made by societies and corporations — for which there is no expectation of a reimbursement — the entire sum of free will offerings of our people, from the breaking out of the rebellion down to the present time, would amount to upwards of one hundred millions of dollars. The like is unparalleled in the history of the world, and tells a tale of the devotion of our people to our democratic form of government that the aristocracy of the Old World may well take warning from. It shows the earnestness of the masses and their determination to maintain our Government, that will be well for our officials carefully to consider and be ware how they trifle with.

The Phraseology of Earl Russell.

[From the Philadelphia Inquirer, Aug. 30th.] It becomes us in our present position to watch with special vigilance all the signs of the times.--It is well that we should not be found unprepared for any emergency that may arise. In the letter of Earl Russell to Mr. Seward, which we published yesterday, he so far departs from the ordinary language of diplomacy as to call the United States Government ‘ "the Government of President Lincoln."’ It would have made the rebels look like rebels had he said, ‘"nine States and several millions of inhabitants of the great American Union had seceded and made war on the Government of the United States."’ He, therefore, by a waiving of the ordinary observances of diplomatic courtesy, calls it ‘ "the Government of President Lincoln."’ It is becoming quite common with the platoonist of England to drop the only tale by which we are officially known among them, and to call the Government of the United States. ‘"Mr. Lincoln's Government,"’ or ‘ "the Northern States,"’ or something else designed to recognize, in language at least, is not officially and authoritatively, the separate sovereignty of the rebels.

It should put us on our guard so far as to make ready for whatever may be marked out in the programme of foreign power. As to the real feeling of the British public, the tone of their press and of their people, as reported by travelers in that country, leave us no room to doubt what it is and to what it points. The Rev. Dr. Turnbull, of Hartford, Conn, in a letter to the Christian Reflector, Boston, under date of July 28, thus writes from Edinburg, "The people here and in England, I find, are in singular sympathy with the Southern rebels. They seem to have no just conception of the great principles involved in the American war; and as the United States, at this moment, are suffering from partial defeat before Richmond, it is rather trying to be away from home and hear the ungenerous talk going on here, in all public places. Cotton has blinded their eyes. * * * The newspapers echo the London Times, and a more time-serving and mendacious which does not exist. At present, however, there is no prospects, of their interference in our affairs. They dare not yet take any steps for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy; but depend upon it, the moment they can do so with impunity, they will make the attempt. The newspapers are rapidly educating the popular mind for the issue. How far they have succeeded we may possibly infer from the use of such terms as those which the crafty Earl Russell employs.

At least one firm friend in Europe.

[From the Philadelphia Inquirer, Aug. 30th] Russia continues to be the friend of the United States--firm and sincere as she is powerful. Few have forgotten the generous letter of the Czar, written more than a year ago, when the other great European powers (young Italy excepted) stood afar off, or "paltered with us in a double sense." What the Emperor then said he adheres to; for we learn, through the London Morning Post, Lord Palmerston's organ, of the appearance, in the Journal de St. Petersburg, of certain articles which state that fact. These articles set forth that the policy of the Russian Cabinet with reference to the rebellion in the United States has been clearly pointed out in former declarations, which are strictly in conformity with the sympathy that Russia has always shown towards the United States, and with the feelings of humanity which revolt at a war of extermination.

Russia makes an appear to the interests of the two parties, and to the remembrance of the fraternity which founded the grandeur and created the force of the American Republic, and expresses her desire to see the conflict put an end to, by a prudent and honorable compromise. Such, says the St. Petersburg Journal, are the counsels which Russia has constantly addressed to the Federal Government, and it is in that spirit of kindness and moderation that she will continue to act, "not to divide, but to bring together."

This sincere desire to see us re-united is the animating spirit of all we hear from Russia, and it is this that makes the assurances of the Emperor generous and cordial. But it is the opposite spirit which, according to the vulgar but candid Roebuck, confirmed by the observations of Archbishop Hughes, stimulates the governing classes in England. They wish us divided because they are jealous and apprehensive of our growing power, and this is why their conduct is at once temporizing and hostile. It is the outcropping of their desires and their fears.

When the truth, about European intervention comes to be known, we shall be surprised if the failure to execute the purpose to intervene was not caused by the firm and unqualified friendship of Russia for the United States.


The news by mail from the Southwest is more cheering. Gen. Morgan is nearly surrounded with rebels at Cumberland Gap, but thinks be can hold his position against an attack of 50,000 men. At last accounts Gen Rucil was operating successfully in Northwestern Alabama.

The banks and insurance companies of St. Louis have subscribed $24,350 for volunteers enlisting for the war and their families. The total subscriptions reach near $200,000. It is determined that Missouri shall remain in the Union.

Illinois has raised 50,000 out of her quotes of 52,000 for the two calls, consequently, there will be no draft there, as the other 2,000 will not be long wanting.

The total appropriations made by Congress during its late session, for war and other purposes, amount to eight hundred and ninety-four million nine hundred and four thousand nine hundred and seventy-two dollars.

The 71st New York regiment having volunteered to remain in service until such time as their place can be supplied, the War Department has issued a special order accepting their offer, and suspending the order for the regiment to proceed to New York and be mustered out of the service.

Preparatory to a draft, the quota of Maine, under the last call of 300,000 men, has been assigned to the various cities and towns. Portland has the largest number, 241. There is not another town in the State called upon to raise 100 men, while seven plantations are ordered to produce one man each, and probably fifty are only assessed for five or a less number. About 250 towns are deficient, a few each of the full number under the call for three years men; and the number wanted from each town is published, but it is added that many places not enumerated in the list have raised more than their proportion, which will probably affect the deficiency. The time for making the draft in Maine has been postponed in Wednesday, Sept. 10.

The new census of San Francisco shows the prosperous condition of that city. In 1860 the population numbered 56,805, in 1861, $3,000, and at present it amounts to 90,000.

An indignation meeting was held at Wilmington Del., which denounced Gov. Button, of that State as a traitor and the tool of Senator Simsbury. A committee was appointed to place the proceedings of the meeting before the President and Secretary of War.

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