Further Northern News.
The Northern files of the 14th furnish us some further interesting intelligence, which we give below:The political campaign in New York — Fore Bodings of Evil — Imminent danger Ahead.
Under this head the New York Herald has a leader on the aspect of political affairs in that State. It draws a dark picture of the military condition of the Federal Government, and says: ‘ At this momentous crisis, during this pregnant calm which forebodes the coming storm, what are the loyal States doing to assist the preparation of the Government? Some few of them are hurrying forward recruits to fill up our armies and make our triumphs inevitable. Others, like Massachusetts, are held back from doing their duty by those of the Altoona Governors who have resolved, like Andrew, that no troops shall leave their States until some of our Generals are changed Others still, among which we are sorry to number the great State of New York, are wasting their time, exhausting their energies and obstructing recruiting by indulging in ill timed, violent, unpatriotic, and dangerous political contacts. Folly like this, if persevered in, presages destruction. ’ During a war like this there should be but one party — the party of the Union. Every politician admits this, and no one acts upon it. On the contrary, in spite of the acknowledged fact that our very existence as a nation is at stake, our politicians preserve their party organizations and party shibboleths, call themselves Democrats and Republicans, and put forward their candidates under the old banners and with the old war cries of place and plunder. We blame neither the Democratic nor Republican party alone for this outrageous state of affairs — we blame them both, and equally. What is there, pray, to choose between these two parties at such a time as this? Both call themselves patriotic, and both are called traitorous by their opponents. Greeley and Raymond, in their newspapers, call the Democrat traitors. and threaten them with Fort Lafayette. The Democratic newspapers return the epithet, and declare that if such language be continued the Democrats will assault the Republicans on the streets. Casions M. Clay — a Major General who disgraces his rank the army, and himself by his conduct — makes a speech in favor of Wadsworth, declares that Seymour should be hung, and follows this up upon another occasion by denouncing a Democratic orator as a liar, and publicly challenging him to a duel, Democratic orators lower themselves to Clay's level by calling the Republicans tyrants and despots, and threatening to resist the war measures of the Administration by armed force. The Democrats charge the Republicans with being public thieves. The Republicans retort by declaring that the Democrats were once, and are now desirous of being again public robbers and swindlers But we pursue no further a record so disgusting to every true lover of his country. We exhort the people to pursue the on y safe course — to take each party at the estimation of its opponents, and have nothing to do with either. The result of this dangerous political quarrel thus far has been the sudden decrease in enlistments from this city and vicinity. What its final results will be may be judged by the action of the inhabitants of Black ford county, Indiana, who, having been addressed by just such political orators as have waited us, broke into open a lot forcibly resisted the draft, and are to be repressed and punished by the military authorities. Does any sane man desire a riot in New York on election day? Does any one desire to the streets is up to make barricades, the military out the ballet boxes fought for and destroys, of marauds a sacking the city and pursued try patrols of soldiers, a fatal storm of stones from she house ops citizens shot down in the street of business fearfully closed, women and child and terror the street gutters blood the rioters and the military engaged in the city under martial late, the military and the islands of the bay with the corpses of those who are hung? And yet the peaceful canvass now raging tends that sanguinary was; and those who sneer at the idea of such. a catastrophe of horror know nothing of human nature and less of the signs of the times The minor lead political parties in this city do not hesitate they have military companies in entry to resist any interference with the election. But such organizations do not wait for any they make it or provoke it. Those who think a burning bitter epithet as that of traitor can be bandied about harmlessly, and laugh at of words causing bloodshed are remarked, their ignorance. Words are power, They sent ideas, and ideas move the world. caused this rebellion. Such words as used by politicians have already almost and paralyzed and may soon revolutionize, the North. With a civil war beginning at this fifty passionate city of New York, and spreading like a whirlwind of flame over the North, what follows? The triumph of the rebellion. What is the triumph of the rebellion? Ruin to as and the country.--Are we to risk such dangers for the sake of an election which decides nothing — which cannot at an affect the slavery question — which cannot influence the Administration in regard to the press censorship, the provost-marshal nuisance, the suspension of habeas corpus, or any of the other acts of which some people complain, Suppose Wadeworth elected, will its opponents submit to the decision of the ballot-box Then everything remains in statu quo, and nothing is gained. Will they resist this decision by force? Then riots and bloodshed must ensue. Suppose a Governor elected opposed to such war measures, will he resist them forcibly? Then we have civil war. Will be resist them by withholding troops from the Government? Then we have the completion of the division of the North, and the rebellion will be successful and we ruined Turn this grave subject what way you will, you find that the present violent canvass in this State represses enlistments, interferes with the military campaign, threatens riots and civil war, and assists the rebellion. You find that the coming election decides nothing; for whoever is elected must either sustain the Government in its war measures, or inaugurate a revolution, or came that paralysis which will secure the success of the rebellion. You find that in continuing this canvass everything is risked to gain nothing but destruction. As a friend of the people and the Government and as an enemy of the rebellion, therefore, we have requested Mr. Seymour, who is too good a man for the political company he keeps, to withdraw from the canvass and allow the election to go peacefully by default in favor of Wadsworth.--This request being disregarded, we now appeal to both Seymour and Wadsworth, as loyal men, to withdraw from the canvass, and nominate and support some such man as General Dix for Governor We suggest General Dix because he was a candidate in both the Democratic and Republican Conventions, and is acceptable to both parties, He was defeated in the Democratic Convention by a trick which prevented a ballot. He was defeated in the Republican Convention by the demands of the radicals for an ultra candidate. Thus rejected by the worst politicians of both parties he will be doubly popular with all honest, patriotic men.--With Gen. Dix as the only candidate, this dangerous canvass will be ended. With Gen. Dix as our Governor, no party or person will have any just cause for complaint. We ask Wadsworth and Seymour to do a sublime, a magnanimous, an unprecedented act; but this is an unprecedented crisis, and demands rare magnanimity. In the army, Thomas nobly refused to take the place of Buell; Burnside nobly refused to take the place of McClellan. Both sacrificed their highest ambition to the interests of their country. Has the country no such claims upon Wadsworth and Seymour? Will they peril that country for the sake of an office or a party? We appeal to their patriotism and await their replyGenerals Running for Congress in New York.
The New York Herald, of the 4th says: ‘ From this city three Generals, now in the United States Army, have already been mentioned in connection with nominations for the next Congress.--Their friends seem to think that they would be of more service to the country in the halls of Congress than on the battle-field; but the Generals themselves will have something to say in the matter, and will not suffer themselves, against their inclinations, to be forced into the sea of politics. General Sickles, it is said, has been offered the Congressional nomination from the Fourth District of this city, where Ben Wood is again a candidate. Some of the friends of General Corcoran are anxious that he should permit himself to be nominated for the Fifth District. It is doubtful, however, that the General will consent to this arrangement, as his tastes and inclinations are well known to be intensely military. Fernando Wood is a candidate in the same district, and should the General decide to run against the ex-Mayor the contest would be most interesting. General John Cochrane has already been put in nomination for the Seventh District, and takes remarkably well thus far with all parties. The Republicans seem inclined to appropriate him to themselves. Should he run, the Republican conservatives would undoubtedly give him their warmest support. ’The speech of John Van Buren at the Democratic meeting in New York — a speech to the point.
We published in our Northern news yesterday, some extracts of the speech of John Van Buren at the Democratic mass meeting in New York, on Monday. If there is any real significance in any of these addresses lately launched against the Lincoln Administration, by the Democratic orators in the North, that of Mr. Van Buren is far more important than any yet published. He is the only speaker yet who has dared to meet the question of peace squarely, without making subjugation a sins qua non. We make some highly interesting ex-tracts from the speech as reported in the New York Herald.Views of a Republican politician and General — the South to be whipped and then let Co.
I have no acquaintance with General McClellan, even by sight, and no communication with him, direct or indirect; but I tell these Republican gentlemen that if they keep on they will make him President of the United States. [Loud cheers] Now, I say that Wadsworth is his open, malignant, latter persecution. I never make statement without authority. My authority for that statement is that of a Republican Statement Sign in office directly from Washington he did who admire me that such was then will regard to Jas. S. Wadsworth — and the first of that is Benjamin Welch, Committee General of the State of New York. (Cheers! I will introduce that witness and rest--[lad and when Mr. Wadsworth-denies it I will with a thousand more. I say, then, country is at war the bitter enemy of the Commander's Chief should not be placed at the head of the Government of this State. [Cheers] As a friend of the war determined to see it carried on an honorable peace is accomplished, I say it is the most unsuitable thing for me to do to support James S. Wadsworth for Governor of the State of New York. I had a conversation with him myself — not a private one for these Republicans never make confidante of me; if they have any secrets to keep, they choose some other depository, and I said to him in the messenger of several people who will appear if no contradicts that I say — how do you propose to terminate this war? I wanted to see a Republican who we are coming and I never met one yet; in a place to go on with the war; I agree, most of all and that when we been whipped, but when we are through, we want to then. Will you hold the entire of the Southern armies, and call upon us to say to subsist the troops, amounting to some failures of men?." [A is what Wadsworth said. form of this Government Constitution, it shall be a military government.?" ‘"No."’ ‘"What then!"’ ‘"Why, we will which and let them go!"’ [Cheers] ‘"But," ’said I would it not be easier to let them go without whipping them? Would they not be a little better neighbors? You do not propose to move the continent away; the people will be there; and would there not be a little better neighbors if you let them go without whipping? " [General,] ‘"No,"’ said he will whip them and And he, being military man, and he started South to them, which I here, after he got through. them go [and applause.] What is she Republican plank They make no secret of to the South make the South, and to plant after the people that went Revolution with us and more perfect Union and Constitution, and side by with our people in the late why on the plains of in every great contest this fearful came upon us — to from the country and plant settlers in their place. To that I am unconditionally opposed-- --and to that the people of this State to a man are opposed. They will have an opportunity on the 4th of next November to express their this measure, and it will be heard and at Washington, in my humble judgement, [Applause.]Richmond to be captured — a Convention to called, and if the South then won's agree to stay, let her go.
We propose to have a vigorous prosecution of Jow--[applause] --and in my judgment McClellan ought to be authorized to march to Richmond and take the capital. [Cheers.] Taking the enemy's capital is the natural resting place in every was. When Vienna was taken the Austrian Government was subdued; when Paris was taken upon different occasions France was subdued. It never heard of that you carry out the war in the retail so as to conquer every province of the country that you are attempting to subdue. When Mexico was taken, although there were seven millions of hostile Mexicans in every part of that Republic Mexico was conquered, and peace was delivered. I say it is, if not the end of the war, the natural resting place in the war, and after that will be the time, in my humble judgment, to treat of and to determine what ought to be done.--And I am just as well prepared now to say what ought to be done as I should be then. I believe a convention should be called. (‘"That's right,"’and applause] I believe our Southern brethren ought to be invited to such a convention. ‘"That's the doctrine"’] to believe that when Richmond is taken they will be satisfied of their inability to contend with the gigantic resources of the free and loyal States of this Union. They have suffered prodigiously and must suffer more. I will not believe that they have forgotten the glorious and precious histories of our past career. [Applause.] I will not believe that they are willing to relinquish their share in our common heritage of fame. I will not believe that they will consent to see this great model republic starting in its career and challenging the admiration of the word, and being the hope fight of freedom throughout the world in its infancy. I believe that under those circumstances they would come into a convention, that we would agree to live together under the Constitutions as it is or with more distinctly defining what the Constitution now is [Applause.] And if they won't consent then I know that I am in favor of so amend the Constitution is to them go, saying to the an the language of the gallant Scott, ‘"waywarddepart on peace."’ they have no right It is a and wicked attempt on then in defiance of the Constitution and the law, nobody to secede from the Union; but if they, reflection think it desirable to form a Confederacy of their own. P should in regard to it very much as I should if I had a will who told me going to leaves. I would say on her you cannot go according to law. You can make me mighty uncomfortable if you stay; you had better think that thing all over before you act out, and if, upon measure reflection (though there is no law under Heaven authorizing you to Thomas whoever it was, will pack your stunk, stopped me lawyer's as you go down stream and find out how we can get apart at the least possible expense and go. [Laughter and cheers,] I has rather pack your trunk myself, than to leave you went to Honor, of humanity, would any one or us, if they did not want to live with us, let them, go occurring to law; but these won't no you will filed, And now, gentlemen just at this time. We have already and stated to you, carried on this war at this loss of human life and this great districts of property; we have come to a state of things which the widowed mother calls a son you to stop at the first honorable point; when the wife whose husband goes out to battle for the Union and the Constitution; when the sister who finds a brother coming home; when the who parts from her future Lord and master, dedicates him to the service of the country, when the bride who from her groom as the church door to go forth to battle all appeal to you not to stop the war dishonorably . With firm lips they tell you to go forward as long as honor and justice require it; but when you come to a point where pear can properly be made, then to make it.A Democratic vote to be given in New York city--somebody to be knocked down quick.
This city can give a vote that will appall the Abolitionists of the interior. [Cheers] And it will meet a support in the interior that you little expect Unless I am greatly deceived, we shall carry this State triumphantly. But the first thing to be done is to get into the box the votes of the people of this city. [Applause] Now, it requires care and attention, and it does not require what I am doing so foolishly — talking. Do not argue with those people on election day. Their object will be to get you into a dispute, which may prevent the polling of votes where we are in a majority. To interrupt the polling you will be called everything, and of course you will be called ‘"traitors."’ If a man calls you a traitor-- A Voice.--‘"Knock him down."’ Another Voice"‘"Don't stop to fight; put in your ballot."’ [Laughter.] There is a difference of opinion. I know how provoking it is to have a man say things you do not like. I have had it done in Court; I have had it done when I was Attorney General, and I have been sent to jail for having it done to me. [Laughter.] All I say is do not stop to talk. If you must knock a man down, knock him quick. [Cheers and applause.] But you had far better not knock him down at all. [Cheers] Get your vote out; get it into the box, and my word for it, you will be met throughout the State by corresponding exertions, which will carry joy to every friend of the old Union as it was throughout the borders of this confederacy. [Cheers] The only possible way to restore this Union is to make that expression at this election now. At any future election it would be no use on earth. We are told they cannot live, and in my judgment the Southern people ought not to live under an Abolition away. [Applause.] I would not live with them if they would. [Loud cheers.] They call upon us now to know that we are not an Abolition State. They say throw aside your political organizations, throw aside your past political contents, combine once and show us that, however you may differ about other things, this pestilent action can be overthrown by you, and we may once again live in peace with our rights protected [Cheers] Show them this Show it to them on the 4th of November, in time in save what is worth saving in this country.Stuart's Raid a "poor Shing"--Anybody could have done it.
Now that Gen. Stuart from Pennsylvania, and the Herald certain that he will not clatter down Broadway-with his troopers behind him, some fine morning it proves' his dash to have been a very light different from what it at first appeared, It says: ‘ At the first glance the late during cavalry aid of the rebel General Stuart across the Upper Potomac, at the narrow neck of Northwestern Maryland, into Chambersburg, Pa, and thence southward around the Gen. McClellan's army, and and down to the fords or the Potomac, opposite Leesburg, and over Virginia sixty miles or so below the point it won't out, is one of the most astonishing feats of the our in captures made of horses, since. clothing, &c — though not in the matter of cattle.--the enterprises will also compare favorably with the most successful of those of the old-time Highland robber clans down into the fruited lowlands of England. But it be inquiry this adventure will show that after all, a very won achievement. At Dam No. 5 where mac, "outward bound," there was only a picket geared to oppose him. Between that point and Chambersburg there were no Union forces whatever, and none at Chambersburg. Gov. Curtin's improvised army of seventy-five thousand men having been all dismissed (a little too soon) and sent home. Stuart, however, with his scouts in advance, was ready to fail back, in the event of danger; but the way being reported open, he pushed forward into Chambersburg, gathered up all the horses, shoes, dry goods, &c., that his very short stay enabled him to do, and was off again. Of course his return was not by the route over which he came. He knew there was danger of being headed off in that direction. He had yet, too, the main object of his adventure to accomplish a dash down into Frederick City, and the destruction of the west supplies of ammunition, subsistence, quartermasters' and hospital stores, wagons, ambulances, &c., of General McClellan's army collected at that point. Had Stuart succeeded in this design, the consequences might. indeed, have been very serious to our army; but he discovered, in season to avoid the trap, that Gen. McClellan had prepared a nice little reception for him at Frederick, which it was prudent for him to decline. So cheering off to the left, Stuart moved rapidly down for the fords of the Potomac below the Monocracy, and made good his escape, with his Pennsylvania horses, shoes dry goods, medicines and nicknacks from the stores of Chamber back again into Virginia. His advance upon Chambersburg was a success because it was a complete surprise; and in his retreat he all pursuit from the rapidity with off. In all this the only thing which surprises us is the unmilitary conduct of Gov. Curtin in sending away all his home guards from Chambersburg while the cavalry of the enemy in Virginia were still within a night's rapid riding of the town. Governor Curtin should have remembered the raid of Stuart around the Army of the Potomac in front of Richmond and his raid into the rear of Gen. Pope's army at Catlett's Station; but perhaps, as it is, Governor Curtin would do well to be provided against a repetition of this last adventure of this daring rebel forager. The military leader, from these raids, will appreciate the sound objections of Gen. McClellan to a march upon Richmond overland from Manassas. It would have required a large army to protect his wagon trains and the long line of railroad in his rear to his base of operations, against these rebel forays, while from the York and James rivers his base was moved along with his army in a compact body. Finally, in regard to this last impudent rebel foray, we presume that it will have the good effect of expediting the preparations of our army for a general clearing out of the rebels from Virginia. ’A talk with a Rebel.
The Northern public has an unconquerable ‘"hankering,"’ after the ‘"opinions"’ of the Confederate soldiers, and when they get a chance pump the prisoner, of everything they can get out of them. The cater to this longing pretty freely, and the Philadelphia Press a long conversation between a citizen and one of a car load of rebel's who arrived there a few days since. We give it in fulls. While around the Union Refreshment Saloon, a few evenings since, we unexpectedly heard from the surrounding throng, ‘"Here come prisoners! Here they come!"’ Finding eastern the borne along with the crowd than to-seem a current so irresistible as hundreds people, down we went to the cars, with their toward the wharf; for this time, by a sympathetic curiosity, quite as as the most enthusiastic spectators. Pro blocks, huge pebbles, or rather bold formidable arrays of crinoline, had the our next to the engine. The cars multitude paused, the rebels their heads from the windows, and, practically, the wagging of a few loquacious peanut woman, there was a complete ‘"rest,"’ More than his fellow prisoners was a even with a finely chiseled face, scorching, eyes, and evenly developed forehead out of the window, taking a view of the Volunteer Refreshment Saloon, him and his comrades were the people at the other, prisoner and specters until ‘"Southron"’ asked-- ‘"What piers is that sir, lighted up?"’ "That, citizen, ‘"is the volunteer refreshments where the Union soldiers are fed on their wayfrom the war."’ Rebels very comfortable looking establishment, Citizen.--Yes, it is Wouldn't you like to be a Union soldier?. Rebel.--I around have no objection for about a half hour, sir. Citizen.--Do you to a fighting regiment? Rebel.--I belong sir, to a South Carolina regiment. As this point the pressing pushing, and crowding from the anxiety of the people to catch every syllable uttered by the intelligent young rebel, that, fortunately, we were very snugly pushed against the car, directly under the rebel, so that we lost not a word. After a slight pause another citizens asked the rebel!-- ‘"Where are you from?"’ Rebel.--I am a native of South Carolina, sir; but I enlisted from Macon, Ga, where I was employed as a clerk. The name of South Carolina startled an enthusiastic Emeralder from his repose, who said, ‘"That is the State we are going to sink."’ Rebel--That may be, sir, but there is not a South Carolinian living who will not gladly sink with her. To which a sharp but vulgar little boy replied: ‘"Now you are only blowing."’ Rebel Gentleman.--I am a prisoner by the mischance of war, for it is one of the misfortunes of war to become a prisoner, and I hope you will not insult me. We are entirely at your mercy, and ask only that you treat us like men. We have been treated well by your soldiers, and though we don't expect citizens to act like soldiers do to each other.yet we hope that you will not unprovokedly insult us. Citizen — You shouldn't mind that remark; it was only Meade by a boy. Rebel.--Our soldiers always treat your prisoners well, sir. Citizen.--Not at Richmond! Rebel.--In Richmond the Citizens may have treated the Federal prisoners badly, but I am sure the soldiers could not do it, for, as far as my observation extends — and it has been large — the soldiers on both sides uniformly treat their prisoners kindly. Citizen.--What division of the rebel army were you in? Rebel.--I was in General A P. Hill's division, sir, and General Jackson's corps of the Confederate Army. Citizen.--Then you were in the fight with Pope? Rebel--Yes, sir, for nineteen days we were either following the Federal army or they were following us, so there was always fighting alternately from the rear. Citizen.--Then you have seen some service! Rebel.--I have, sir; since the assault on Fort Sumter. After the evacuation of Fort Moultrie, I was there, and assisted to make it stronger than it ever was I have been constantly in the field since, and including the last battle of Manassas, where I was taken prisoner by the 107th Pennsylvania regiment; I have been in fourteen engagements. Citizen.--I should think you were pretty tired of war? Rebel.--Well, sir, I left a comfortable home from sincerity of conviction. I have put up with privations to which I have never been accustomed; but I don't complain, sir. Citizen — What are you fighting for, anyhow? Rebel.--I believe, sir, that I have been fighting for the maintenance of a great principle. I may be wrong, sir; but that conviction has sustained me for fourteen months before your batteries. We believe that we are right, and that we will be eventually successful I can't exactly define the nature of the principle for which we are contending. The statesmen of both sections of our country have not been able to come to a satisfactory conclusion about it. If they had, we should not have been at war. Citizen.--What if you are not successful? Rebel.--Then I don't care what becomes of me; but I don't want them ever to see South Carolina again. I am sorry that we Americans are fighting against each other. I would not care the least if our enemies were English, Irish, or Dutch. Citizen.--Why, one half of your soldiers, at least, have been forced into the Southern army. Rebel.--That is not true, sir, I went voluntarily; I don't know any who have gone otherwise. There is one of our men in the car with me who told at Harrisburg that he was forced into the Confederate service; and I say to you, in his hearing that he lies. I have heard your men say the same, when they were taken prisoners, but I believed it to be all stuff. Any soldier who would say such a thing on either side, is unworthy to bear a musket in any cause; he is a liar and a coward. Citizen.--We hear that your army have scarcely anything to eat, and have no shoes. Rebel.--So far as my observation goes, that is not true When we have been on long, quick marches, for which some of our Generals are famous, we may have suffered some, being far away from our supplies; but that such was the regular condition of the Confederate armies, I believe to be The citizen who had been interrogating the rebel prisoner here retired, and his place, and somebody else's place, was filled with a ‘"stalwart boy,"’ from Erin, who, doubtless, felt it a duty to carry on a conversation with the prisoner. He began with. --Say, I say, did yees see the Saxty nomth, sir, in your travels?" Rebel--The what sir? Erin.--The Saxty nointh — did yees never hear of the boys? Rebel.--I don't know what you mean. I am not accustomen to the slang of these parts. Erin — I mean the Irish boys — the New York Sixty-ninth. Rebel--I never heard of them but if it will afford you any gratification. I can tell you that I heard there were a good many Irish in the Federal forces. but they never gave us a chance to see their faces. in — You mane that while they were marching along, not sispectia' an enemy, you poured into their rare from yer masked batteries. Rebel--I don't want to talk to you, sir. In my county a dog like you, if he had the courage at all to bark, would soon get his ears cropped. The conversation between the parties was here broken by the guards preparing to conduct the prisoners to the boat for Delaware. We noted them as best we could as they walked along. and were struck with the great variety of attire of soldiers of the same regiment. There was a remarkable identity, however, in their unclean appearance, Not knowing to the contrary, a stranger might have supposed that they had been on a campaign to the great African desert, where water from its acerbity, is the traveler's most precious boon.Tyranny at the North--military Vs. Judiciary.
Lincoln and his soldiery are triumphant — that is, over their own Constitutions, laws, and people.--A case in point has just occurred. which we find recorded in the Northern papers. A Mr. Nathaniel Batchelder having been arrested for alleged disloyal practices, a writ of habeas corpus was issued by Judge Bell, Chief Justice of New Hampshire, on the return of which the following was read: Judge Advocate General's Office, September 13, 1862.
Hon. J. H. Ela, U. S.Marshal, Rochester, N. H.:
Sir:
Your telegram to the Secretary of War, under date of the 10th inst, relative to the write of habeas corpus, issued in the case of Nathaniel Batchelder, arrested for disloyal practices, has been referred to this office for reply.
The Secretary of War directs me to inform you that, by an order issued under the authority of the President of the United States, a printed copy of which is enclosed, the writ of habeas corpus has been suspended in all cases of arrest for ‘"disloyal practices"’ to which class of offences that of Nathaniel Batchelder manifestly belongs.
The Secretary instructs me to say that to the writ of habeas corpus, issued by Chief Justice Pell (Bell) you should return these facts as your warrant for holding the prisoner in custody.
Should any attempt be made, after the return, to release the prisoner by the civil authority, which is not anticipated, the Secretary directs that you appeal for support and protection in the discharge of your duties to the military force of the United States in your vicinity.
The New Hampshire Patriotreports the decision thus: ‘
After argument by counsel, the Chief Justice said that it seemed to him inexpedient, and useless to the prisoner, to issue an order for an attachment which could not be enforced; that the Government of the United States had plainly expressed its determination to resist by force any attempt of the civil authority to deliver the prisoner, and that he received this not as a threat, but as the announcement of a settled resolution, which, with the vast armies under their control, they had the ability to execute against any power which the State can command for the enforcement of the law. He therefore declined to take further action in the case. ’
Hon. J. H. Ela, U. S.Marshal, Rochester, N. H.:
Sir:
