The opinion of the Northern press on Lincoln's proclamation.
The signs of revolution at the
North, whether they prove of ultimate benefit to our cause or not, are well worth the attention of those who would thoroughly understand the causes which precede and attend the loss of freedom by a people with whom liberty has been a watch word.
The Western press is now pretty well alive on national politics, as it is evident that parties are forming in that quarter as decisively as they are in the
East.
The Milwaukee Wis.
Sentinel regards the Republicans as subverting the
Federal Constitution in the loyal States, on the ground of ‘"military necessity."’ This is the only ground upon which they pretend that it is proper, and the
News asks:
‘
Does any such necessity exist for depriving the people of
Wisconsin, for instance, of the protection of the
Constitution?
Has not the
Government been faithfully supported by all our people?
Have we not promptly furnished all the men and all the means demanded?
Are there spies of the enemy among us, or traitors to the
Union and the
Government, so plenty as to render it necessary that our system of Government should be changed?
Are our Judges and our juries so disloyal that their administration of justice is to be suspected, and their jurisdiction superseded?
Is it either just or generous to assume that we, the people of
Wisconsin, who have cheerfully sent forth forty thousand of our young men to battle, would tolerate ‘ "treasonable practices"’ among us to such an extent as to render it necessary for the
Government to extend its strong military arm from
Washington here for the purpose of seeking out traitors in our midst.
We ask these questions in sincerity, and we ask the patriotic citizens of the
State to seriously reflect upon them for themselves.
’
The canvass is very spicily conducted in
Pennsylvania for the election next Tuesday, by the local press.
The Lancaster
Intelligencer puts this question, striking at the sweeping National Abolition policy attempted to be foisted upon the people, on the pretence of necessity, in connection with the war:
‘
Will the people of
Lancaster county be willing, first to be taxed to pay for emancipated negroes, and then taxed to support them after they are free?
If they are willing to do this, they will vote for
Thaddeus Stevens for Congress — if not, they will cast their ballots for
George M. Steinman.
Choose ye between them.
But, in all conscience, have we not taxation enough already, levied upon us by the act of this same Abolition demagogue,
Stevens, that we should favor his re-election in order that we may have more piled on us?
What say the farmers, mechanics, merchants, dealers, and all classes of the business community.
It is for them to decide the great question on Tuesday next at the ballot box.
’
The Philadelphia
Inquirer, the editor of which, though a Republican, is neither a Federal officeholder nor an aspirant for party honors, has the good sense and courage to say in his issue of Tuesday:
‘
There are in this city to-day hundreds of battle-worn and wounded soldiers, who have rendered to their country the citizen's highest duty on the battle-field.
They are now at home, with shattered constitutions, or with mutilated bodies — Republicans, native
Americans, and Democrats-men of all parties, who will be here upon the election day, and will, beyond all doubt, vote with their old parties.
Yet these new lights in political morals will tell the battle-stained and scarred Democrat that if he votes for his party nominee he is a Secessionist and traitor!
What precious logic it must be that leads to such monstrous conclusions as that! --Again, let us look at the policy of making public proclamation beforehand, that every man who votes in a specified direction ‘"desires the permanent disruption of the nation. "’ Is there a man with any portion of common sense, that does not know that the prescribed ticket will poll from thirty thousand to forty thousand votes on election day?
This is as certain to occur as that we will have a free election.
What, therefore, must be thought of the judgment, the prudence, or the patriotism of the doctrinaire who proclaim to all the world, in advance, that
Philadelphia contains thirty thousand to forty thousand Secessionists, or, in other words, that half her voting population ‘"desire the success of the rebellion?"’
’
The Cincinnati
Inquirer, of Monday, ‘"makes a point,"’ as follows:
‘
The most astonishing thing in the world is, that while four members of
Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet--
Messrs. Seward,
Blair,
Smith, and
Bates--were utterly opposed to his proclamation of emancipation, the Abolitionists have the audacity to denounce as 'traitors' (as some of them do) all who cannot conscientiously endorse that proclamation.
The same paper notices what it calls ‘"patent secession,"’ to wit:
‘"
Vallandigham's Secession plan was in the form of a joint resolution proposing amendments to the
Constitution."’--
Gazette.
To propose amendments to a code of organic law which is to be over the whole, is a funny way to provide for the secession of a part.
By and by we shall be told that the
Constitution is a disunion document.
Had the
Gazette not better say so at once?
’
‘"A Maryland Opponent of Emancipation,"’ is the heading given by the
Washington correspondent of the New York
Post to a notice which he makes of the fact that
Hon. Charles B. Calvert, one of the
Union members of Congress from
Maryland, is out in a letter against the emancipation proclamation.
The correspondent assumes, therefore, that
Mr. Calvert comes very near taking his stand with the ‘"rebels,"’ because of one of his paragraphs, as follows:
‘
The Union, as I understand it, is a compact, represented by the
Constitution under which it was formed; and so soon as the fact is established beyond doubt that the
Constitution has been flagrantly and successfully violated, either by the ability of the
Confederate States to maintain their independence, or by gross and palpable infringements, which deprive any portion of the whole nation of their rights of property, except in the manner therein directed, it ceases to be any longer the
Union, and becomes A Union, which any State may join or not, as the dictates of interest or feeling may suggest.
’
On this the
Post's correspondent remarks:
‘
In other words, if the
President attempts to carry out his proclamation,
Maryland is at liberty to choose her destiny ‘"as the dictates of interest or feeling may suggest."’ The President is aware that his new policy will develop a few more traitors in the border States, but he is glad to find who they are in season to meet their treason successfully.
’
A ‘"loyal"’ correspondent of the Chicago
Times, writing from
Memphis, Tenn., denounces the proclamation with a boldness which will doubtless soon give him lodgings in Fort Lafayette.
He says:
‘
This shallow pretence of payment is a mere ‘"catch-penny,"’ from the fact it compels owners to part with their property, and rely upon an abolition Congress for remuneration.
Under such circumstances it is not difficult to discover that few, If any, will ever be paid, and if paid it will be a mere farce so far as the valuation is concerned.
This proclamation of the
President falls like a wet blanket upon the loyal men of the
South. --Heretofore they have insisted to their friends that
Mr. Lincoln was conservative, and would withstand the pressure being brought to bear upon him by the ‘"nigger worshippers, "’ and now those friends very justly confront them with this abolition document, to which there is of course no answer.
There is little else talked of now amongst officers and soldiers, and at times their discussions become so heated that it requires the interference of friends to prevent a collision; in fact, hatred and bitterness are the necessary results of this unwarranted assumption of the
President, and every day develops such a dissatisfaction with a large portion of our army that fears are entertained as to the results.
Already the soldiers are excited, and improve every opportunity to vent their indignation upon the hordes of negroes who are strutting the streets of
Memphis, many of them wearing the uniform of a soldier of the
United States.
’
A correspondent of the same paper writing from
Columbus, Ky., is greatly alarmed about the effects the proclamation will have on the army:
‘
Need I say, then, that the recent emancipation proclamation comes upon them like a thunderclap in a clear day. They have made sacrifices, are enduring hardships in going into unpleasant and horrible war, yet the future prospect has been to them of some day returning to their homes, to resume their former occupations, and have the proud consciousness of having done their duty in this mighty struggle for a free Government and the
Constitution.
Yet, now, under this now policy, the future, even if the war should soon be successfully closed, is not at all cheering.
Their places, in their absence, are to be filled by the negro; their labor, when they do return, is to be brought into competition and degradation with black labor.
Let one go among the troops and hear the menaces of extermination of the black race North when they return, and their bitter denunciations of the emancipation policy, and, if not blinded by abolition party prejudices, he would prophecy that, from the adoption of this policy, the seeds are sown for another terrible outbreak in the future, in which the poor, helpless, and innocent negro, will be driven forth from the
North with slaughter and confusion.
Abolition theorists will not believe this, but I tell you this is the general feeling of the soldiery, and candid men appreciate it with alarm.
In this connection I may be allowed to say that parties from
Illinois are now here to make arrangements for taking several car loads of contrabands into
Illinois.
Mr. W., from
Iroquois county, proposes to take one car load for the town of
Loda.
War is a terrible revolutionizer of political sentiments, and among the soldiers, no matter what may have been their former political creeds, you can scarcely find one man who is an avowed abolitionists, or who does not look with alarm upon all emancipation schemes.
The test is now being applied, and the question comes directly home to every one, and their future association and welfare are both in the issue.
And, further than this, there is no use in disguising the fact, that the soldiers are getting tired of this war, and are becoming heartily sick of its management.
’
