Late Northern News.
From files of New York and
Baltimore papers, of the 14th, 15th, and 16th, we make up an interesting summary of the current news at the
North:
The late M'Clellan —— the way he Behaves at Trenton — his parting with the army — his chances for the Senatorship.
Delegations from
Brunswick, Me., and
Newark, N. J., have reached
Trenton with invitations for the young
Napoleon to visit those cities.
The
Daily Register, of
Patterson, N. J., nominates him for the vacant seat in the U. S. Senate.
A correspondent of the New York
World, writing from
Trenton, on Friday, has the following gossip about him.
‘
The seclusion of the
General has been somewhat relaxed to-day, and many distinguished citizens from this neighborhood and other parts of
New Jersey have called upon him. All were received with easy grace and affable smiles.
Little if any reference was made to the mortifying circumstances of the hour, but the future was talked of by the guests with confidence and cheerfulness.
In the morning the
General, accompanied by his family and members of his staff, rode out, and were everywhere hailed with marked interest and feeling.
In the afternoon, about three o'clock, quite a delegation of citizens of note from
Essex county called in a body to offer their respects to ‘"Little Mac,"’ whom they seem very willing to adopt as a Jerseyman.
If rumors be true, the name will not be inappropriate, for it said the
General will be allowed to make
Trenton his headquarters during the winter — his sphere of activity to radiate from it, meanwhile, in various directions.
He will probably visit New York during the coming week, although on what day is entirely uncertain.
One thing is very sure, viz: that notwithstanding the numbers and devotion of the ‘"Army of the Potomac,"’
McClellan does not know how many friends he really has in the country, nor will he until he shall have entered the great metropolis.
’
A letter in the same paper, from
Warrenton, says:
‘
Monday was occupied by
Gen. McClellan in passing among the various camps, reviewing his troops and taking a final leave of both officers and soldiers.
The course was first to Fits
John Porter's corps.
Sykes's division of regulars, like old
Romans, were serious and grave in their demonstrations of regret.
Yet there could be seen the heavy heavings of their breasts as
Gen. McClellan rode past them and bid them an affectionate farewell, and urged them to do better for
Burnside than they had done for him.
It would be but an idle repetition to describe the greeting received at each several
corps as
Gen. McClellan passed through them.
It was one round of numingled regret and sorrow manifested in every variety of remark, in every manifestation of feeling.
Shouts and cheers constantly rent the air. Many a severe countenance, unused to marks of sorrow, was freely suffused with tears.
Many were the tears shed by the soldiers who parted with
Gen. McClellan.
Many were the rude and spontaneous utterances by which the Army of the Potomac gave vent to its disgust and sorrow.
‘"It's played out now."’ ‘"It's all up."’ ‘"The life of the army is gone."’ These and many other similar ejaculations were forced from the soldiers by the passing events.
As
Gen. McClellan, mounted upon a fine horse, attended by a retinue of fine looking military men, riding rapidly through the ranks, gracefully recognized and bid a farewell to the army, the cries and demonstrations of the men were beyond bounds — wild, impassioned, and unrestrained.
Disregarding all military forms, they rushed from their ranks and thronged
Gen. McClellan with the bitterest complaints against those who had removed from command their beloved leader.
This is the type of all which happened during the leave-taking of
Gen. McClellan from the army of the Potomac.
At noon he dined at the
Warren Green Hotel, at
Warrenton, with
General Burnside.
After dinner the corps near by were passed through, as during the forenoon.
Next morning
Gen. McClellan at the railroad cars had an interesting and affecting interview with
Gen. Burnside.
After this they parted, and
Gen. McClellan moved off towards
Washington.
In all the little remarks he had made to the army, the burden of his thought and feeling had been, ‘"
Stand by General Burnside.
Do more for him, if possible, than you have for me."’
This seemed to be the height of his anxiety and care on parting with his veteran soldiers.
I must not omit to mention a scene which occurred near Catlett's Station, where a portion of
Gen. Sickles's command paid their farewell honors to their favorite chief.
’
The color bearer of a regiment which had broken its ranks and thronged in confusion around the car in which
Gen. McClellan was being conveyed to
Washington, rushed into the presence of the
General, and, showing the tattered banner, said:
‘
"General, I have carried that flag under you throughout the whole war, and now I want to shake hands with you."
At this the
Sergeant burst into tears, when
McClellan replied, taking him by the hand, ‘"Never let it go, will you?"’
All who witnessed it were deeply affected by the scene.
Most of the time on board the train was spent in conversation with
Gen. Augur.
At
Manassas Junction Gen. Sickles came on board and held a brief interview with him, when the train proceeded to
Washington.
’
The removal of M'Clellan's staff officers
The New York
Herald, of the 15th, has an editorial evidently trying to stir up some symptom of manliness and resistance in the people of the
North.
It is founded on the arrest of two of
McClellan's staff officers, and the following is an extract from it:
‘
Hitherto the arbitrary arrests made by the Administration have been merely laughable or contemptible.
Women who sing songs not pleasant to
Kennedy's cars newspaper correspondents, country editors, and poor follows who would have remained nobodies had not the Administration made martyrs of them and given them a place in history; these are the sort of people heretofore visited with the divine wrath of our energetic rulers.
Now, however, the War Department seems to have had its dander raised, and is striking at higher game.--But why not arrest
McClellan himself and put him in Fort Lafayette, where he will be on hand if another cry of ‘"
Washington in danger."’ makes his services necessary?
What is the use of confining members of his staff, when
McClellan himself, the head of the staff, can be secured?
Now, that it is determined to have a vigorous prosecution of the war, both in the
North and in the
South, let the Administration stop meddling with the small fry, and imprison some of the great men of the country.
We understand that
President Lincoln believes that changes should be made in his Cabinet, now that changes in the army have been so well inaugurated.
Is it not fully time that these Cabinet changes were made?
The country has been sick of the present Cabinet for a long time.
No one can speak of its most prominent members without involuntary qualms of the stomach.
The President himself ought to be pretty thoroughly disgusted with the sort of men he has had about him. The result of the recent elections shows what the people think of the present Cabinet members.
They have nearly ruined the country, and are fast making that ruin complete.
The President cannot but be aware of this state of affairs, and why he has so long neglected to remedy it by constructing a new Cabinet we are at a loss to explain.
Doubtless he may have had his reasons, but every day makes delay more unreasonable.
The greatest calamity which can ever befall the country during a crisis like is to have the
President surrounded by a Cabinet which has so entirely lost not only the confidence, but even the respect of the people, that every act of the Administration is received with open and undisguised suspicion, and measures, taken with perhaps the best intentions, are regarded with the strongest and most invincible popular prejudice.
’
The speech made by
John Van Buren to the Democratic Union Association on the night after
McClellan was removed is interesting.
He said:
‘
The Democratic party was the opposition party, and it was decidedly opposed to this administration of the
General Government.
[Applause.] It was the business of the Administration to have a policy, and of the people to sustain it wherever it was possible to do so. He had said during the canvass that he was in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war, and that the army had ought to advance to
Richmond under
McClellan.
[Great applause.] He had said that
Gen. Wadsworth was the enemy of
Gen. McClellan.
[A voice, ‘"So is
Lincoln."’]--The
Times and other papers had denied that
Wadsworth was the enemy of
McClellan, but the result proved otherwise.
[A voice, ‘"Restore him."’] He thought they could not restore him.
Gen. McClellan had manifested his willingness to serve in any capacity, but they would not allow him to serve in active duty, for he had been ordered to report at
Trenton, where there was no disturbance that he had heard of, [laughter,] the Democratic party having succeeded by a large majority in the last contest there.
[Laughter and applause.] But what reason could be assigned for this removal of
McClellan while he was in active pursuit of the enemy?
A Voice--‘"Because he is a Democrat."’ [Applause.]
Mr. Van Buren said that was so, he believed.--And he also believed it was for the purpose of making way for an Abolition General at the head of our army.
Voices--‘"
Fremont,"’ and cries of ‘"never."’
Mr. Van Buren said he had heard that
General Burnside was a Democrat.
Then, it was for
Gen. Burnside to consider how far he is to permit himself to be made an instrument in forwarding the placing an Abolitionist at the head of the army.--[Cheers.]
Gen. Burnside had refused the command repeatedly as
Caesar had. But, as
Caesar finally, accepted and was assassinated in the
Senate-house, so
Gen. Burnside, if he should go on as
McClellan had in success, might find himself destined to a similar fate.
But it was said the draft had been indefinitely postponed.
Perhaps this neglect to reinforce our army, and the removal of
McClellan, would turn out all for the best — he could not say as to that; but he had his fears whether
Gen. Burnside would be able to save his position and prevent
Lee from occupying our capital.
[Sensation.]
In replying to the attacks of the
Tribune, Mr. Van Buren said he was as profoundly ignorant of military matters as any
Brigadier-General.
[Great laughter] He would not state his incapacity in any stronger language.
[Renewed laughter and applause, and cries of ‘"Busted."’] His means were small, and growing beautifully less under the war tax. [Laughter.] He had, however, contributed $100 at the meeting of the Bar, which was as much as he could afford.
He had read
Mr. Seward's letter, saying that the war was substantially ended, and
Mr. Lord's letter, that the lawyers' fund was ample; and what more could he be expected to do for the prosecution of the war under such circumstances?
He could not call in question these reliable authorities.
Mr. Van Buren further answered the
Tribune, and said the wonder to him was, that after the election the newspapers did not stop telling lies, in order that they might do it all the more effectually next time.
[Laughter.] As to persecuting the war, he repeated what he had heretofore said: ‘"We ought to take
Richmond at once."’ [‘"That's so."’] He had never said anything regarding the
President's proclamation as unconstitutional or inexpedient; but he had said the war might be brought to an end before the first of January, and that would obviate the necessity of another proclamation freeing the slaves in any States in rebellion on that date.
He did not propose now to say anything against the honesty of the
President.
He would presume that the
President was an honest man. His friends called him ‘"Honest Abe."’ [Laughter.] He never knew an honest man named in that way. Neither
Azariah C. Flagg or
Stephen Hallett was ever called by that name.
[Applause.]
A Voice.--Honest
Fernando Wood.
[Roars of laughter, in which the
Ex-Mayor joined.]
Mr. Van Buren read portions of the
President's
Emancipation Proclamation, calling attention to the clauses which indicated how the
President was to decide which States were in rebellion.
He concluded that the
President did not intend to declare an emancipation of slaves in those States which were represented in Congress by duly elected representatives on the first of January.
But, to elect such representatives, the people of the
South should have an opportunity to carry on their elections.--They could not do it and keep up the war.--He thought it was indispensable that before such an election the
President should declare an armistice, so as to enable the people of the
South to hold their elections.
[Applause.] The President was, he thought, bound by the terms of his proclamation to give the
South a chance to elect those representatives.
If the
South was allowed the chance, he had no doubt they would avail themselves of it. [Applause.] The Southern members had no cause for leaving their seats, and the best thing they could do was to go back and take their seats.
[Applause.] But what would they do when they got back?
Two-thirds of the members could call a Convention for the purpose of proposing amendments to the
Constitution.
His life upon it,
such a Convention would restore the unity of the thirty-four States. [Applause.] He would alter the tenure of the
Presidential office, making the
President elected for six years, and not eligible for re-election.
[Applause.] The Convention could continue in office the present
President, or could say that another one should be elected.
[Applause.] The people of the
South would no doubt want a new election.
For himself, he concurred in that desire.
[Applause.]
Mr. Van Buren reviewed the position of
Mr. Lincoln, assuming that
Mr. Lincoln might naturally suppose himself popular from the statements of those around him. But he thought that was a mistake.
A Voice.--‘"I wish you were in his place."’
He had a conviction that the
Convention should support
George B. McClellan for
President.
[Great applause and prolonged, rousing cheers for
McClellan.]
McClellan was comparatively new in the public service.
No matter what others might say, he (the speaker) was simply a private--one of the people, and knew what he would do himself.
Gen. Wadsworth had said that
McClellan was superintendent of a second class railroad.
He thought
McClellan would be wiser to resume his previous occupation since he was not allowed the privilege of serving his country.
It had been said of
McClellan that ‘"wherever you hitch him he will draw,"’ but when entirely unhitched that was nothing for him to draw, and he could see no reason for his remaining in nominal position, accepting a large sum and still incapable of doing anything.
Under the circumstances he thought
McClellan could do nothing better than to resign his position and return to his railroad.
He had never seen
McClellan, and had never corresponded with him, but had drawn his conclusions from observing
McClellan's public career.
He looked upon him as the most masterly man that has lived in our age. [Applause.] He believed that if the
Government wished to go on with the war it has done wrong in removing
McClellan; but that if it thought the war had gone far enough to make a peace, so that each side can claim a victory, and neither can insist it has subjugated the other, and that the
Union could be restored with
George B. McClellan President of the re-
United States, the
Government had done exactly the thing to produce that effect.
[Great applause, and three cheers for
President Lincoln.] He believed that if this course should succeed in restoring the
Union, it would make
Geo. B. McClellan President of the whole Union.
[Great applause.]
’
After
Mr. Van Buren had concluded,
Hon. Fernando Wood delivered a short address, in which he said:
‘
He did not understand the
Governor elect, if he would not
stand up for his States against any Federal usurpation. [Applause.] While aiding the
Federal Government to maintain its integrity, he would assert the rights of New York, protect its citizens from arbitrary arrests, and present that, for the
Federal Government to impose its authority upon this State would be a violation of our rights
to which this State would never submit. [Great applause.] In conclusion,
Mr. Wood counseled them to discharge their duty as citizens of New York, and, as citizens of the
United States to discountenance the usurpation of rights which did not belong to the
Federal Government, and that we must preserve a legal, constitutional, honorable and correct method of carrying on the war. Force alone, he contended, would not do; for we must go
with the sword in one hand, and the Constitution and the olive branch in the other. [Applause.] With such a policy animating the war, he believed the
Union could be restored again to a condition of happiness and prosperity.
[Applause.]
’
A dispatch from
Nashville, dated the 15th, says a large amount of supplies will be massed there, when the grand army of the West will proceed towards
East Tennessee.
It adds that ‘"
Gen. Rosecrans intends to hang all the guerrillas, and defies the threatened rebel retaliation."’
A dispatch from
Fortress Monroe says:
‘
All the able-bodied contrabands here and at
Hampton have recently been taken to
Washington, and those unable to work are to be sent to
Craney Island.
’
A conversation between Mr. Adams and Earl Russell about contraband trade.
Private letters of a semi-official nature relative to the contraband trade carried on by English merchants with the rebels, containing some information about the views entertained by the
English Cabinet on that subject, have been received in
Washington.
It seems that not long since our Minister in
London had a conversation with Earl Russell, in which he complained, in energetic language, of the damage inflicted upon the
North by the continual shipping of goods and munitions of war to the rebels upon English bottoms and by English merchants intimating, at the same time, that as long as such an intercourse would not be discountenanced by the
English people and their Government, there would be no hope of a prompt restoration of peace in the New World.
He mentioned, also, the case of the
Alabama, obviously a vessel-of-war, fitted up by English money, for the purpose of preying upon the ships of a friendly Power, of capturing and destroying them, and said that such an odious system of aggression practiced upon the
Northern States without the least provocation on their part, constituted in the eyes of the
Americans and of all civilized nations an infringement of the rights of neutrals, the responsibility of which would sooner or later be felt by the
British Cabinet both at home and abroad.--In a word,
Mr. Adams proved that acts such as these were not calculated to confirm the
United States in the genuineness of the protestations of neutrality and good will proffered at different times by his
Excellency to
Mr. Lincoln, and that it was doubtful whether they would reflect any credit upon the impartiality and honor of the
British nation.
To this Earl Russell said in reply that it was with the utmost regret that he had learned the facts of which
Mr. Adams was now complaining, and that he had done all he could to prevent the continuation of the illicit trade between English subjects and the rebels.
He would, however, remind his
Excellency that English laws granted such immunities to private industry that it was impossible to hinder an English citizen from dealing in contraband if he choosed to do so; that the responsibility of such unlawful traffic was incumbent upon the individual, and that its effect could but in a very limited way be controlled by the
Government.
Earl Russell assured
Mr. Adams that the policy of the
English Government concerning contraband trade was that of all other nations and of the
U. States themselves, whose precedents on that very question were as clear and as precise as could be desired.
As an illustration of this, he said to our Minister that, at the time of the war between the
Allied Powers and
Russia, the
United States had ostensibly carried contraband goods in
Russian ports, and constructed ships for the
Czar Nicholas, and that not with standing the protest of
France and
England.
He did not want to believe, as he had been told, that either the
President of the
United States,
Mr. Pierce, or his
Secretary of State,
Mr. Marcy, were at all encouraging such unlawful acts.
He preferred to think that they did all they could to oppose them, but the fact that they could not succeed ought to prove to the
Minister of the
U. States how difficult it was for the
English Government to stop the contraband trade between English subjects and the rebels.
The private letter which brings the details of this conversation says that, in conclusion, the
British Minister promised
Mr. Adams to send an account of his complaints to the
Admiralty, with a recommendation to exercise the utmost watchfulness upon all cargoes in clearance for the
United States.
Lo!
the poor negro.
The Cairo correspondent of the Chicago
Journal, an Abolition paper, thus describes the deplorable condition of about one thousand negroes that have either run away or been stolen by the abolition army and sent to that place.
He says:
‘
The fugitives are placed in the empty barracks buildings more open than many Northern barns with no places for fire, and with no wood to make a fire of. Half naked and barefooted women and, children may be seen a half mile away picking up, bits of bark, chips, or stray bits of wood, to cook their rations with, or to keep warm in their shivering frames.
Some have carried dirt into their shanties, forming rude hearths, on which a few embers can be placed, the smoke escaping into the building, almost building in its density.
Water is carried from the river — distant from a half to three-quarters of a mile.
Of course, there are no facilities for washing, cooking, or other household work.
Many of them are sick, and others have died from exposure.
Mothers, with from five to eight children, sit from day to day crouched in these dreary, cold buildings, trying to hold on to warmth and life by means of personal contact and the few rags they brought from the land of their captivity.
How they pass these cold nights, God only knows, as they have no bedding worthy the name.
Thus they are dragging along in utter wretchedness, and suffering more than pen can express.
’
Trouble about Negroes in Kentucky.
The
Washington Chronicle says:
‘
We are authorized to state that information having been received at the War Department of negro slaves in
Kentucky having been returned to loyal as well as to rebel masters, in violation of the act of Congress, the
Secretary of War has ordered reports of any such transactions to be made to his department, in order that the officers so violating the laws of the
United States may be duty punished.
’
A Suspicious flag.
It was rumored recently that a gentleman of secession proclivities in
Troy, N. Y., had raised the
Confederate flag.
An excited party started for the premises.
The flag was found hanging from a back window, but it was a lady's balmoral that had been washed and hung out to dry!
The husband resolved to stand by that flag, and the crowd gave three cheers for the bunting and departed.
