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Late Northern news.

From our files of Northern papers, of the 5th, we make up the following summary:

A Splendid Yankee victory — the "First Crest of Hills" at Vicksburg captured.

The Northern papers, of the 5th, publish dispatches from Gen. Sherman, dated the 27th, showing that his great expedition had stormed the Confederate works near Vicksburg with complete success. Here is the statement:

Gen. Sherman debarked his forces on the left bank of the Yazoo river, ten miles above its mouth, and forming in line of battle advanced toward Vicksburg. After passing beyond the reach of the fire of the rebel gunboats, Gen. Sherman encountered the enemy in force. A terrific conflict ensued, lasting five hours. The enemy were driven back beyond two bayous that girt the rear of Vicksburg, and from their entrenched works on the hill by shells. On Saturday night the two armies lay on their arms with the two bayous intervening. During the night pontoons were constructed, notwithstanding the terrific fire of the rebels. Under the cover of undergrowth, at daylight on Sunday a concerted advance was made by Gen. Sherman's whole force. Gen. Steel held the left, Gen. Morgan and Gen. Blair the centre, and Gen. A. L. Smith and Gen. M. L. Smith the right. Gen. Steel turned the enemy's right so as to communicate with Morgan's division, which had become separated by swamps running at right angles to the main front.

By sunrise the whole force was engaged, and up to 10 o'clock the musketry and artillery firing was very severe. The rebels in front of Gen. Morgan's and Gen. Smith's divisions were entrenched on high rising ground. The position was finally taken by storm. The gunboats did not co-operate, but the Benton engaged the rebel fortifications at Haines's Bluff, During the action several of the Benton's crew were killed, and Capt. Gwynne, her commander, was mortally wounded. In Saturday's fight the 8th Missouri and the 2d Kentucky sustained considerable less.

The following, from the Vicksburg Whig, of the 27th, is the best exposition we can give of the lying dispatches published above. It says:

‘ Our cause has been growing brighter every day since the commencement of skirmishing on the Yazoo. Every attempt at advance that the enemy has yet made has been promptly met, and effectually checked at every point. Heavy losses have already been sustained by the enemy.

On yesterday the most signal success of our arms was obtained at Willow Bayon, where the enemy attempted to advance on our works; 2,800 of our soldiers engaged a force of 8,000 Yankees and whipped them, killing over 200, taking 300 prisoners, and capturing five stands of colors. The 3d Tennessee and 28th Louisiana have the credit of this work. The Yankees advanced with a view of storming our works, and made three desperate charges, which were repulsed every time. On the third charge our men opened a deadly volley upon them with such stinging effect that the Yankees fell back in disorder and confusion, when our men leaped over their breast works and charged the enemy, capturing five stands of colors and routing them completely.

Col. Thomas, of the 28th Louisiana, at a critical moment executed a flank movement in a masterly style, cutting off a part of the Yankee forces which secured us 300 prisoners. The enemy was signally defeated, and after they had retired a flag of truce was sent in asking permission to bury their dead.

This was a most glorious and decisive victory, fought, as it was, by a force of nearly three to one.

Gen. Banks's emancipation proclamation in New Orleans.

General Banks gave New Orleans a Christmas sensation in the way of an emancipation proclamation, after the style of Abraham 1st. The following is the document:

Headq's Department of the Gulf.
New Orleans, dec. 24, 1862.

To the People of Louisiana:

In order to correct public misapprehension and misrepresentation, for the instruction of the troops of this department, and the information of all parties in interest, official publication is herewith made of the proclamation by the President of the United States relating to the subject of the emancipation. In the examination of this document it will be observed:

  1. I. That it is the declaration of a purpose only — the full execution of which is contingent upon an official designation by the President, to be made on the 1st day of January next, of the States and parts of States, if any, which are to be affected by its provisions.
  2. II. That the fact that any State is represented in good faith in the Congress of the United States is conclusive evidence, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, that such State, and the people thereof, are not in rebellion against the United States.
  3. III. That the State of Louisiana has not yet been designated by the President as in rebellion, nor any part thereof, and that it has complied with all the conditions of the proclamation respecting representation.
  4. IV. That pecuniary aid to States not in rebellion, which may hereafter provide for immediate or gradual emancipation; the colonization of persons of African descent elsewhere, and the compensation of all citizens who have remained loyal, "for all losses by acts of the United States, including slaves," are among the chief recommendations of this important paper.
It is manifest that the changes suggested therein and which may hereafter be established, do not take effect within this State on the first of January proximo, nor at any precise period which can now be designated, and I call upon all persons, of whatever estate, condition, or degree, soldiers, citizens or slaves, to observe this material and important fact, and to govern themselves accordingly. All unusual public demonstrations, of whatever character, will be for the present suspended. Provost marshals, officers, and soldiers, are enjoined to prevent any disturbance of the public peace. The slaves are advised to remain upon their plantations until their privileges shall have been definitely established. They may rest assured that whatever benefit the Government intends will be secured to them; but no man can be allowed in the present condition of affairs to take the law into his own hands. If they seek the protection of the Government they should wait its pleasure. Officers invested with command will be vigilant in the discharge of their duties.

Leave of absence from camp will not be permitted, except in cases of great emergency. Soldiers enrolled in the regiments of Native Guards will not be allowed for the present to visit the localities of their enlistment, nor will visitors be received unnecessarily in their camps. These regulations enforced with all the troops of the United States in the localities where they are enlisted, are now imperatively necessary. These troops will be confined to the duty specified in general orders, and will not be charged with special authority in making searches, seizures, or arrests. It is my purpose to execute faithfully all the orders of the Government, and I assume the responsibility of these instructions as consistent therewith, and require prompt and faithful execution thereof.

Public attention is called to the act of Congress cited in the proclamation, which forbids the return of fugitives by officers of the army. No encouragement will be given to laborers to desert their employers, but no authority exists to compel them to return. It is suggested to planters that some plan be adopted by which an equitable proportion of the proceeds of the crops of the coming year, to be hereafter determined upon the judgment of honorable men justly representing the different interests involved, be set apart and reserved for the support and compensation of labor.

The war is not waged by the Government for the overthrow of slavery. The President has declared, on the contrary, that it is to restore the "Constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States" in which that relation is or may be suspended. The resolutions passed by Congress, before the war, with almost unanimous consent, recognized the rights of the States in this regard. Vermont has recently repealed the statutes supposed to be inconsistent therewith. Massachusetts had done so before. Slavery existed by consent and constitutional guaranty; violence and war will inevitably bring it to an end. It is impossible that any military man, in the event of continued war, should counsel the preservation of slave property in the rebel States. If it is to be preserved, war must cease, and the former Constitutional relations be again established.

The first gun at Sumter proclaimed emancipation. The continuance of the contest, there commenced, will consummate that end, and the history of the age will leave no other permanent trace of the rebellion. Its leaders will have accomplished what other men could not have done. The boldest Abolitionist is a cy her when compared with the leaders of the rebellion. What mystery pervades the works of Providence! We submit to its decrees, but stand confounded at the awful manifestations of its wisdom and power! The great problem of the age, apparently environed with labyrinthic complications, is likely to be suddenly lifted out of human hands. We may control the incidents of the contest, but we cannot circumvent or defeat the end. It will be left us only to assuage the horrors of internecine conflict, and to procrastinate the processes of transition. Local and national interests are, therefore, alike depend out upon the suppression of the rebellion.

No pecuniary sacrifice can be too great an equivalent for peace. But it should be permanent peace, and embrace all subjects of discontent. It is written on the blue arch above us; the distant voices of the future — the waves that beat our coast — the skeletons that all at our tables, and fill the vacant places of desolate and mourning firesides, all cry out that this war must not be repeated hereafter.

Contest, in public as in social life, strengthens and consolidates brotherly affection. Rugland, France, Austria, Italy--every land fertile enough to make a history, has had its desolating civil wars. It is a baseless nationality that has not tested its strength against domestic enemies.--The success of local interests narrows the destiny of a people, and is, followed by accession, poverty, and degradation. A divided country and perpetual war make possession a delusion and life a calamity. The triumph of national interests widens the scope of human history, and is attended with peace, prosperity, and power. It is out of such contests that great nations are born. What hallowed memories float around us! New Orlean is enshrined as sacred as Bunker Hill! On the Arostook and the Oregen the names of Washington, Jackson, and Taylor are breathed with as deep a reverence as on the James or the Mississippi. Let us fulfill the condition of this last great trial, and become a nation — a grand nation — with sense enough to govern ourselves and strength enough to stand against the world united.

N. P. Banks,
Major General Commanding.

A "Herald" opinion about French intervention — Fears of France going it alone.

There is evidently some alarm among the Yankees about Napoleon's intentions relative to intervention. The New York Herald has an article which is a sample straw of the mass of the conjectures now finding utterance in the Northern papers. It says:

‘ The Asia arrived yesterday, with three days later news from Europe. We learn that the Emperor of the French will address another circular to the Courts of England and Russia upon the necessity of immediate mediation or intervention in the affairs of this country. We are not inclined to believe that either of these Powers will return a more favorable answer to Napoleon than was made to his first demand of a similar nature; but we deem the fact of his making this second proposal most significant of an evil intent towards our Union.

It is, we fear, the last move before the recognition, by France alone, of the Davis Government. --Napoleon will say: "I appeared to you twice to act with me. You refused. My necessities will brook of no more delay. I recognize the Southern Confederacy My people are starving. I must have cotton." Our blockades will be broken after a short pause, allowing time for England to follow the example France will have set her. It is for this purpose — the breaking of the blockade — that France has several of her tremendously powerful plated frigates in our waters. She had no need of them for the inland expedition to Mexico. She well knew that, as the Mexicans have no navy, her armored vessels were of no use in the Gulf, save as regards any emergencies which might arise in case of a recognition by France of the Davis Government.

We must not expect that fear of the consequences will deter France from an alliance with the Southern Confederacy. We have, up to the present moment, proved incapable of putting down the rebellion, and, as a natural consequence, Napoleon will feel assured that, strengthened by his aid, Davis would prove too strong for us. The disastrous defeat at Fredericksburg will add to the probabilities of this conclusion, and only make Napoleon deem himself the more secure in his movement against us. He will reason from facts, as he has an undoubted right to, and will judge that we are incapable of subduing his dress, combined with those of Davis. We must not expect him to judge us as we judge ourselves, nor that he should be aware of our entire resources; and thus we must admit that were he to interfere events would seem to give him reason. We are divided upon questions of vast import to the life of our Union, and make to the world a sorry spectacle.

Another inducement to Napoleon to interfere will be the decree of emancipation. He will understand that all chances for cotton crops are at an end until that question is settled; he will pretend that fearful crimes and horrors will follow the workings of that decree throughout the South; that servile insurrection, upon a scale to terrify all mankind will soon arise, and he will make humanity a reason for interference; and we much fear that here he will be met in a like spirit by England, both nations foreseeing that their supplies of cotton will be cut short if the negroes are to be freed. From Russia we may continue to expect friendly relations. She has no immense interest at stake pushing her on to interfere in our struggle; the emancipation decree will not prove to her the bugbear it will to France and England. She has just set the example of an extended and vast emancipation, and will more than likely sympathize with Mr. Lincoln's decree. Be that as it may, we are assured that France and England will deem it a fearful blow at their commerce, and that from motives of self interest they may feel all the more inclined to aid Davis.

The French Minister at Washington, it is said, openly states that during this month his Government will mediate in favor of the South. This assertion of M. Mercier's, if true, puts all doubt upon that question at an end. We must and are doubtless preparing to meet with energy and determination the coming eventualities which menace all we hold dear. The people will call to a severe account those having the management of our affairs, if, at this hour of peril, they neglect their manifest duties. We must prepare to battle for our Constitution and laws — for our great and glorious Union There is not a moment to be lost. Let our immense resources be fully developed, and, above all, let party squabbles and the intrigues of politicians cease in this the moment of great danger to our beloved country. There must now be a united movement. We must prepare to sustain, at all perils, the integrity of our Republic.

Further particulars of the battle of Murfreesboro'.

The New York Tribune, of the 5th, has an account of what it terms a "week's fighting in Tennessee." This account says that "at the close of Wednesday's battle the rebels occupied the ground held by our forces in the morning, had captured twenty-six and disabled six pieces of our artillery, and taken several thousand prisoners. They could then fairly claim a victory." The account continues:

The doubling of our right on the centre, with the consequent disarrangement of the entire line, and mixing up of the different portions of the army, together with the total disorganization of a portion of the right, could but produce confusion in the whole army. The weakness arising from this and the loss of artillery, manifestly compelled General Rosecrans to act on the defensive until he could reorganize his troops and make up for the loss of men and material, by reinforcements from Nashville, where the fine division of General Mitchell, composed largely of veteran troops, had remained in garrison. Both Thursday and Friday the rebels were the assailants.

On Thursday morning the enemy again appeared to prepare for flanking our right. To forestall this, our right was strengthened and extended.--Finding the right well protected, the enemy turned to attack the centre, but was repulsed and severely punished by the left of Thomas's and the right of Crittenden's.

Later in the day the right of the centre was again unsuccessfully attacked. The greater portion of the afternoon both sides spent in sharp skirmishing and manŒuvering for position.

During Friday night General Rosecrans managed to throw a brigade across Stone River, on the left. The enemy allowed it to remain undisturbed until between 3 and 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when, simultaneously with an attack upon our centre, a greatly superior body fell upon it and drove it back across the river. Two divisions came to its support. A desperate conflict ensued, which a charge of our troops (during which a rebel battery was captured by Pennsylvanians) turned into a defeat of the enemy. General Rosecrans, perceiving the advantage gained, ordered an advance of the whole line, which was made for some distance until night interposed. The result of Friday's fighting was decided in our favor.

Here the correspondent's account closes, but the Tribune remarks editorially:

We have no means of judging whether General Rosecrans was in condition on Saturday morning to follow up the advantage secured on Friday afternoon. That another battle was unavoidable to bring the contest to a successful issue on our side seems evident. The dispatches of the Associated Press relative to the events of Saturday are confused and contradictory, and we have nothing later from our special correspondent than his account of Friday's battle. We trust and pray that the dispatch purporting to come from the post-commander at Nashville, announcing our troops victorious on Saturday, and south of Murfreesboro', in pursuit of the enemy, will turn out true. In that event the news of the destruction of the bridges on the Tennessee and East Virginia railroad, by an incursion of our cavalry from Southern Kentucky, just confirmed from rebel sources, will render the ultimate chances for the escape of Bragg's army from destruction very slim.

Our correspondent puts our loss in killed and wounded in the three battles of Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday at the comparatively low figure of 4,000. The number of officers seems to have been disproportionately large. One general officer and 11 Colonels are reported killed, and six general officers and four Colonels wounded. Many staff and artillery officers are also among the casualties. Among the mortally wounded is the famous Capt. Mack, Chief of Artillery.

The proclamation in Kentucky.

A correspondent of the Chicago Times says that Gov. Robinson, of Kentucky, issued a circular letter to the members of the Legislature, asking for their views on the President's emancipation proclamation; and the answers received indicate that fully two-thirds are in favor of taking the State out of the Union if the proclamation is enforced. The Legislature will meet on Monday, and it is said that Gov. Robinson's message will urge a separation. The correspondent says the State militia will go with the South, and that Humphrey Marshall has stationed himself at Mount Sterling to receive them.

The New York Herald considers Lincoln's pronunci unnecessary, unwise, and timed, impracticable, outside of the Constitution, and full of mischief," but hopes that it will prove nothing worse than a nullity and a harmless tub to the Abolition whale.

Administrative view of what Seymour, of New York, is doing.

The Washington Chronicle, of the 5th, has an editorial upon the proposed removal of the New York Police Commissioners, in which it says:

‘ "The apparently harmless generalities of Gov. Seymour's inaugural address are now invested with their true meaning. By conserving the rights and upholding the Constitution of the State of New York, he means a direct attack upon the power of the Federal Government, and an unequivocal antagonism to it. He means to oppose, and, so far as he can, unify, certain measures which have been found indispensable to the protection of the nation against the traitorous machinations of rebels in disguise, and to make New York city a safe asylum for such Secessionists as do not care to undergo the privations and the dangers of a sojourn in Richmond."

’ The Chronicle then gives a resume of the charges against the Commissioners and concludes that the chief magistrate of a great State is endeavoring, under flimsy pretences and unfounded allegations, to embarrass the Executive and strike a deadly blow at the life of the nation.

Van-Dorn's Dash on Holly Springs.

The New York Tribune's Holly Springs correspondent estimates the loss by Van-Dorn's raid upon that place at $6,000,000. Among the private property destroyed was $1,000,000 worth of cotton. The Masonic building, used as an ordnance store house, containing a million rounds of ammunition, with a large quantity of shells, was totally destroyed. Col. Murphy and all his men were captured.

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