Progress of the war.
the
fall of Vicksburg--the official correspondence — interview between
Gens Pemberton and
Grant — the Teems of surrender — condition of the
Confederates after the capitulation.
The Northern papers at last give us the official correspondence which took place at the surrender of
Vicksburg.
We give it with some additional particulars of the scenes attending the capitulation:
General — I have the honor to propose to you an armistice for — hours, with a view to arranging terms for the capitulation of
Vicksburg.
To this end, if agreeable to you, I will appoint three commissioners to meet a like number to be named by yourself, at such place and hour to-day as you may find convenient.
I make this proposition to save the further effusion of blood which must otherwise be shed to a frightful extent, feeling myself fully able to maintain my position for a yet indefinite period.
This communication will be handed you under flag of truce by
Major Gen. Jas. Bowen.
General — Your note of this date, just received, proposes an armistice of several hours for the purpose of arranging terms of capitulation through commissioners to be appointed, &c. The effusion of blood you propose stopping by this course can be ended at any time you may choose, by an unconditional surrender of the city and garrison.
Men who have shown so much endurance and courage as those now in
Vicksburg, will always challenge the respect of an adversary: and, I can assure you, will be treated with all the respect due them as prisoners of war. I do not favor the proposition of appointing commissioners to arrange terms of capitulation, because I have no other terms than those indicated above.
I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient serv't,
U. S. Grant,
Maj. Gen'l.
Gen. Bowen, the bearer of
Gen. Pemberton's letter, was received by
Gen. A. J. Smith.
He expressed a strong desire to converse with
Gen. Grant, and accordingly, while
General Grant declining this, requested
Gen. Smith to say that if
Gen. Pemberton desired to see him an interview would be granted between the lines, in
McPherson's front, at any hour in the afternoon which
Gen. Pemberton might appoint.
A message was sent back to
General Smith, appointing 3 o'clock as the hour.
At half-past 3 o'clock
General Grant, with his staff and several
Generals, went to the rendezvous appointed, which was a small vale where fig trees and peach and apricot had bloomed in happier days — a hill on either side.
On the crest of either hill, only about four hundred feet apart, were the forts of friend and foe, and beneath these were rifle pits filled with men. It was a strange sight; thousands of men who had been striving for each other's blood for two months past, who had never seen each other though often within ten feet of each — it was a strange sight to see these men looking over the earthen breastworks in silence, without arms, at the foe with whom they had contended.
Men looked in eyes of men to read only hate.
On the one side they looked as though they had passed along a path of powdered limestone, where thousands of feet had trodden it to impalpable dust, raising it in clouds to settle on head, body, and limbs.
The others soiled, but well clad.
The one with cap, the other with a pale slouch hat that shaded him from the sun.
It was one of those scenes that fill the mind with wonder — that bring the problem of life and the mysteries of philosophy up like bidden ghosts, and, like him whom the reverend ghost of Samuel quilled, sinks back and feasts again.
At the southern crest of the circle of hills appeared three horsemen.
One of them — the first--was tall, of about forty-seven years of age, clad in gray, and mounted upon a bay horse.
Upon his chin was a beard
a la Napoleon; his eye of a dark that might be black; his hair of the same; complexion brown.
The next was upon a gray horse, clad like the first.
He, too, was tall — a gray eye, brown, full beard, brown hair, full forehead, and a pleasant look that indicated.
I may be mistaken in this, but I think you are the ones to blame. The third was about the height of the others, but rather broader at the shoulders, though small at the waist.
His hair was soft and long, his beard of a Chesnut, the same as his hair, and of the style known as
English, very fine teeth, and if I were a woman I could kiss him, so kissable was his mouth.
Of course I am losing sight of the fact that he was a rebel.
Such were
Pemberton,
Bowen, and
Montgomery.
Perhaps it is well to divest ourselves of prejudice at times and look at things as they are.
On the other crest came heroes.
Their pictures are in all parlors, their names on all lips.
The leader, one who will live while history shall endure and fame sings the praises of those who battle for their country, came as quietly as the winds that met him, as modestly as the passion flowers that crept at his feet — All felt his presence, as we ever feel the influence of greatness when goodness is its handmaiden.
They met — and who shall read their hearts?
The memories of youth seemed not to impress them.
Both dismounted.
Colonel Montgomery said, "
General Grant,
General Pemberton. " They shook hands like strangers--"Alas!
they had been friends in youth."
After a few words about
terms, which
Pemberton insisted on and
Grant ignored, the latter said, "
let us step aside," and even the birds refuse to tell me further of the conversation.
Gen. Grant heard what they had to say, and left him at the end of an hour and a half, saying that he would send in his ultimatum in writing, to which
Gen. Pemberton promised to reply before night, hostilities to cease in the meantime.
Gen. Grant then conferred at his headquarters with corps and division commanders, and sent the following letter to
Gen Pemberton, by the hand of
Gen. Legan and
Lieut. Col. Wilson.
General — In conformity with the agreement of this afternoon, I will submit the following proposition for the surrender of the city of
Vicksburg, public stores, &c. On your accepting the terms proposed, I will march in one division as a guard and take possession at 8 A. M. to-morrow.
As soon as paroles can be made out and signed by the officers and men, you will be allowed to march out of our lines, the officers taking with them their regimental clothing, and staff, field and cavalry officers one horse each.
The rank and file will be allowed all their clothing, but no other property.
If these conditions are accepted, any amount of rations you may deem necessary can be taken from the stores you now have, and also the necessary cooking utensils for preparing them, thirty wagons also, counting two horse or mule teams as one.
You will be allowed to transport such articles as cannot be carried along.
The same conditions will be allowed to all sick and wounded officers and privates as first as they become able to travel.
The paroles for these latter must be signed, however, whilst-officers are present authorized to sign the roll of prisoners.
I am, General, very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
U. S. Grant,
Maj. Gen. The officers who received this letter stated that it would be impossible to answer it by night, and it was not till a little before peep of day that the proposed reply was furnished.
General — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of this date, proposing terms for the surrender of this garrison and post.
In the main your terms are accepted; but in justice both to the honor and spirit of my troops, manifested in the defence of
Vicksburg, I have the honor to submit the following amendments, which, if acceded to by you, will perfect the agreement between us. At ten o'clock to-morrow I propose to evacuate the works in and around
Vicksburg, and to surrender the city and garrison under my command by marching out with my colors and arms and stacking them in front of my present lines, after which you will take possession; officers to retain their side-arms and personal property, and the rights and property of citizens to be respected.
To this General Grant immediately replied as follows:
not Satisfactory.
General — I have the honor to acknowledge your communication of the 3d of July. The amendments proposed by you cannot be acceded to in full.
It will be necessary to furnish every officer and man with a parole, signed by himself, which, with the completion of the rolls of prisoners, will necessarily take some time.
Again, I can make no stipulation with regard to the treatment of citizens and their private property.
While I do not propose to cause any of them undue annoyance or loss, I cannot consent to leave myself under restraint by stipulation.
The property which officers can be allowed to take with them will be as stated in the proposition of last evening; that is, that officers will be allowed their private baggage and side-arms, and mounted officers one horse each.
If you mean by your proposition for each brigade to march to the front of the lines now occupied by it, and stack their arms at 10 o'clock A. M., and then return to the inside, and remain as prisoners until properly paroled, I will make no objections to it. Should no modification be made of your acceptance of my terms by 9 o'clock A. M., I shall regard them as having been rejected, and act accordingly.
Should these terms be accepted, white flags will be displayed along your lines to prevent such of my troops as may not have been notified from firing upon your men.
To this the subjoined answer has this moment been received.
General — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of this date, and in reply to say that the terms proposed by you are accepted.
The following morning white flags were displayed from all the points of the
Confederate works, and that evening
Gen. Grant entered the city.
The correspondents of the
Northern papers say that the supply of food in the city was not sufficient to keep life in the
Confederates, and that many of them when they marched out to stack arms staggered from weakness.
The crossing of the Potomac by Lee's army — Lee not Whipped yet — the feeling in Washington.
The
Herald's correspondent, who was captured by our cavalry near
Hagerstown and released after
Gen. Lee crossed the river, telegraphs from
Hagerstown, July 14th, to that paper as follows:
After the fight was over I was taken, amid mud and darkness, to
Williamsport.
I found the rebel forces rapidly marching to the river.
The crossing commenced on Saturday afternoon. Previous to this the enemy had succeeded in constructing a sort of raft, which resembled a floating bridge.
The wounded, who had been placed in houses used as hospitals at
Williamsport, were put in wagons and sent over.
Then followed the ammunition train.
Some of the wagons went by the ford for it must be stated that the rebel force crossed in two columns, one on the bridge and the other through the water.
The retreat was conducted in the most orderly manner.
The Southern troops are in no manner disorganized.
They are eager for fresh encounters. --The principal part of the rebel infantry crossed yesterday.
In order to blind the Unionists the enemy built a long line of high earthworks, built camp fires, and during all the heavy rain that fell during the night, drenched as they were with rain, finished their works and marched to
Williamsport and crossed before daylight.
At about 6 o'clock this morning nothing remained on this side but a brigade of infantry, with a few pieces of artillery.
I got away from the enemy this morning at daylight.
Gen. Kilpatrick left
Hagerstown at an early hour this morning and attacked the rebel brigade on this side.
A brisk fight ensued, the enemy holding his position for a long time.
He was near enough to be supported by troops from the opposite bank if necessary, these again crossing the river for that purpose.
I do not know what was the end of this last fight, but think it probable the enemy left this side altogether, taking his raft over with him.
In conclusion, let me remark--
Do not think that General Lee's army has been defeated, though this campaign has ended in the manner stated. I write this from facts, without being influenced by any other consideration than a desire to report the pure and simple truth, known to be truth from actual observation, and an unprejudiced criticism of what I saw and heard.
A dispatch from
Washington, dated the 11th, says:
‘
This has been a gloomy day in
Washington.
The joyous anticipations of bagging the whole of
Lee's army were this afternoon dissipated by the official information that the rebel army had escaped and succeeded in crossing the
Potomac without another battle.
Much chagrin is expressed in official circles at
Gen. Meade having permitted the enemy to escape without another fight.
The disappointment was aggravated by the intelligence coming every hour of the increasing virulence of the people in New York
and the spreading of the mischievous spirit among the towns in New England. Nothing else has been talked or thought of here to day. The trouble in New York is regarded here as the result of deep laid plans of disloyalists and rebel refugees, who have made resistance to the draft only a pretext for an effort to cause embarrassment to the
Government.
It is stated that
Gen. McDowell is to be ordered to New York city.
Gen. Hooker had a long consultation with the
Secretary of the Treasury this morning.
’
The fighting of the Confederates at Gettysburg.
The Baltimore
American has the following paragraph about the desperate fighting of the
Confederates at
Gettysburg:
‘
The whole of the artillery at the
battle of Gettysburg was commanded by
Gen. Tyler, of
Connecticut, who writes that all of the reserve artillery was brought up, and the
Rebels fought with the greatest desperation, charging up to the very muzzle of his guns, and shooting his gunners; but their desperation and reckless ness could not save them.
In some cases they would charge upon a battery and disable every man at the guns, and would then either be destroyed or driven back by our own equally determined heroes.
He says that the
Rebels, not withstanding their terrible loss and overwhelming defeat, retreated in good order, and with no loss of cannon or equipments, owing to the severe discipline of their army.
’
The New York press and the riots — editorials of Monday morning
The editorials to be found in the New York papers, of Monday morning, upon the conscription that was to commence that day are extremely interesting in view of the events which followed a few hours after they were given to the public.
The New York
Daily News has the following under the head of "The Inquisition Conscription."
It is sincerely to be hoped that measures will be taken to test the constitutionality of the law which threatens to remove sixty odd thousand of our citizens from the
State of New York, before a single individual is permitted to be forced, against his will, to take part in the ungodly conflict which is distracting the land.
It is said that
Gov. Seymour openly expresses his belief that
neither the President nor Congress, without the consent of the State authorities has any right to enforce such an act as is now being carried into effect under the auspices of the War Department, but that he thinks his interference would do more harm than good, and that the question ought to be settled by the
Courts.
The manner in which the draft is being conducted in New York is
such an outrage upon all decent and fairness as has to parallel and can find no apologists. No proclamation has been issued upon the subject, and it is only a matter of surmise whether three or six hundred thousand men are to be raised.
If, as is supposed, three hundred thousand additional troops are to be added to the
Union army by the present conscription, the proper quota to be drawn from this city would be about twelve thousand of our citizens.
Instead of this number, however, over twenty-two thousand are being drafted, and, with fifty per cent, extra required for exemptions, thirty-three thousand six hundred!
No allowance is made for the militia who are in
Pennsylvania and
Maryland, and the $300 to be paid by rich conscripts, instead of purchasing substitutes, is to be diverted, against the spirit of the law, to some other direction.
The evident aim of those who have the Conscription act in hand, in this State, is to lesson the number of Democratic votes at the next election.
The miscreants at the head of the Government are bending all their powers, as was revealed in the late speech of
Wendell Phillips, at
Framingham, to securing a perpetuation of their ascendancy for another four years, and their triple method of accomplishing this purpose is
to kill off Democrats, stuff the ballot-boxes with bogus soldier votes, and
deluge recusant districts with negro suffrages. The crafty, quiet way in which the enrollment has been carried on forestalled both criticism and opposition.
Nevertheless, the work
has neither been fairly performed, nor has it been thorough. And now that it is over the people are notified that one out of about two and a half of our citizens
are destined to be brought off into Messrs. Lincoln & Company's church house God forbid! We hope
that instant measures will be taken to prevent the outrage, and to secure such a decision from our Courts as will exempt New York from further compelled participation in the suicidal war which is desolating the land.
If the workingmen of this city are disinclined to be forced into a fight for emancipation, let them clamor so long for peace that their voices shall be potential with our rulers. It is a strange perversion of the laws of self preservation which would compel the white laborer to
leave his family destitute and unprotected while he goes forth to free the negro, who, bring free, will compete with him in labor. Let the laboring population assemble peaceably in mass meeting and express their views upon the subject.
Let it be no political gathering — no partisan demonstration, but a spontaneous congregation of the working classes, to give vent, within legal bounds, but firmly, to the sentiments of their fraternity with regard to this odious war.
The conscription brings it home to their own thresholds as much as if Gen. Lee's worse men were rattling down Broadway. If they would avoid conscription, let them speak in opposition to that which has given birth to conscription.
Let them protest against the continuance of the war.
Let them swell the cry for peace that is already ascending from all parts of the North. Let them make it a necessity with the Administration to give up its insane emancipation scheme.
Let them insist that in place of the conscription of white men to serve the blacks we shall have negotiation, compromise, and peace.
The New York
World has an article denouncing the draft.
It thinks the very manner in which the conscription bill was forced through Congress is sufficient to enrage the people against it. It says:
‘
The
Saturday Review, an English journal, conspicuously hostile to the
Union, observed a fortnight ago, in its malignant way, that the "full of
Vicksburg might perhaps embolden the
Government to venture on enforcing the conscription." The enemies of the country throughout the world will unquestionably thus interpret the coincidence is point of time between events which ought to have warmed the people and the
Government into the fullest reciprocal confidence, and what will be not unfairly held to be a deliberate attempt to execute darkly and aggressively a most unpopular statute.
An Administration ordinarily sensible and capable of subordinating party to patriotism would never for a moment have permitted such an act as the act of conscription to be so enforced as to create the impression that the greatest city in the nation — a city which has poured out its blood and its treasure without stint or measure — is to be melted in largely more than its due proportion of men. Such an Administration would have taken the greatest pains to explain to the whole people the imperative reasons which demand the formation of a fresh army, and while clearly defining the exact legal proportion of conscripts to be called out, it would have done everything in its power to make the execution of the act unnecessary by encouraging enlistments and making a fresh opportunity for that spirit of devotion to the national cause which has already done and borne and dared so much, so freely and so long.
It is not too late for the Administration at least to remedy its errors of omission.
It is due to the past sacrifices and to the present temper of the country that no shadow of a doubt should be permitted to rest upon the impartiality of the conscription now imposed upon a free people for the first time in their history.
It is vital to the permanence of our institutions, and to interests not less important than any which are involved in the actual contest we are waging, that the utmost pains should be taken in the execution of the work now commenced to make the people understand and feel that the force which thus presses down upon their purses and their persons is imposed in the name and for the service of their country, their whole country, and nothing but their country.
They will acquiesce, perhaps, in even an unconstitutional sacrifice to maintain the
Constitution; but it is a dangerous experiment to insult the popular will at once in the policy of their rulers and in the means by which that policy is sought to be enforced.
’
The New York
Journal of Commerce has an editorial, of which the following is an extract:
‘
It is a melancholy fact that war, sad and terrible as it is, becomes oftentimes the tool of evil-minded men to accomplish their ends.--The horrors of its continuance are nothing to their view.
The blood shed counts as of no value in their measurement.
The mourning it causes produces no impression on their sensibilities.
Such men love all consciousness of personal responsibility for the war, and only look to selfish desires to be realized.
What right has any man, or any class of men, to use this war for any purpose beyond its original object?
If they indeed have diverted it from that; if they have prolonged it one day, added one drop of blood to its sacrifice, by their efforts to use it for other ends than its original design, then they are responsible before God and man for the blood and cost.
There is no evading that responsibility.
Some men say, "now that the war has commenced it must not be stopped till slaveholding is abolished." Such men are neither more nor less than murderers.
The name seems severe.
It is, nevertheless, correct.
Would it have been justifiable for the
Northern States to commence a war on the
Southern States for the sole purpose of abolishing slavery in them?
No! It would have been murder to commence such a war. By what reasoning, then, does it become less murder to divert a war commenced for other purposes to that object?
How can it be any less criminal to prolong a war commenced for the assertion of Government power, into a war for the suppression of slavery, which it is agreed would have been unjustifiable and sinful if begun for that purpose?
If there were a possibility of peace and the restoration of the power of the
Government, and instead of making peace, men should say "No, we will have no peace till we have destroyed slavery," and should continue the war, the men thus doing would be precisely as guilty as if they had commenced a war for that purpose only.
We are not talking about the incidental effect of war on slaves or slavery.
But we speak of the proposal of some men to make abolition a condition of peace.
No right exists to add one object to that for which the war began, and the blood of our brave men who should be sent into a war prolonged for such new purposes would rest with fearful stain on the men who prevented peace.
’
Morgan in Indiana — capture of two steamers.
Morgan has been creating a decided impression in
Indiana.
The Cincinnati
Gazette gives an account of his capture of two steamers at
Brandenburg, Ky. The first-steamer, the
McCoombs, suspecting no danger, went up to the wharf and was instantly captured by 30 Confederate soldiers, who leaped aboard and over powered the crew.
The
Gazette says:
‘
The boat still laid to at the wharf-boat, and in a short time the steamer
Alice Dean, the pride of all Cincinnati river men, and the finest boat now running in the
Memphis trade, came gracefully rounding the bend of the river.
It was soon evident that the
Dean intended making no stoppage at
Brandenburg, so the McCoombs was headed out just in time to touch her bows, when the rebels, who were still concealed on the McCoombs, jumped on board the
Dean and effected the capture of that boat also.
The passengers were then liberated, with instructions that they were not to leave the town, around which pickets had been posted to give warning of any approach, as well as to prevent the departure of those in the place.
About sundown a rebel
Lieutenant came down to
Capt. Ballard, of the McCoombs, and
Capt. Pepper, of the
Dean, and told them he has the honor of informing them that
General John Morgan had arrived in the city, and had made the
Ashcroft House his headquarters.
Our informants made use of their time and the liberty which had been granted them in inspecting the rebel army and its equipments.
They estimate the number of rebels under
Morgan, their estimation being grounded on their own personal observation, at from six to seven thousand men, while at the same time it may possibly be ten thousand; but they believe their own calculation to be the more correct.
The men were all in excellent condition, and were accompanied by a battery of eight steel rifled guns.
The same evening of the capture, one of the guns was placed on the
J. T. McCoombs, and defences were hastily constructed on her bulwarks with baled hay.
The news of the capture having reached across the river, a company of Home Guards from
Indiana, numbering about 15 men, marched down to the river the next morning with a six pounder gun, commenced firing across the river into the rebel encampment; but
Morgan sent a party of men to cross over the river some way down the stream, and these, by making a considerable detour, succeeded in coming unawares on the Home Guards in their rear, killing four of them and taking the rest prisoners.
At a later hour
Morgan commenced transporting his men to the
Indiana side, using the two captured boats for that purpose.
The rebels in
Brandenburg were very free in their conversations with the inhabitants.
One rebel
Captain stated, without the least reserve, that the real object they had in view was to cut the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad, so as to cut off direct communication between
Cairo and
Louisville and
Cincinnati, and this was only a precautionary measure for other
and far more important military movements. They seem to anticipate a glorious time in
Indiana, expressing the intention of burning and destroying everything that lies in the line of their march irrespective of party or creed; so that it is possible our Butternut neighbors in
Indiana may be induced to hold different views of their "outraged and ill used, but misguided Southern brethren."
Brandenburg is a little town, situated high up on the crest of a hill.
The majority of the inhabitants are said to be strongly Secesh while there are at the same time, some few who are, and have always been, strong loyal men.
Capt. Bowen, commandant of the
Naval Rendezvous at this place, received dispatches yesterday afternoon stating that the gunboats
Moose and
Victory, under the command of
Commodore Laroy Fitch, were at that time just starting from New Albany with the intention of engaging the enemy, and asking him (
Capt Bowen) to send ample reinforcements to
Louisville.
Other dispatches state that gunboats are ascending the river from
Cairo, while some of those stationed up the river are already on their way to the scene of action.
At a late hour last night we were shown a dispatch received by
Capt. Dean, of this city, stating that his boat, the
Alice Dean, had been burned by the rebels that morning at seven o'clock.
’
A Washington dispatch to the Philadelphia
Bulletin announces the commencement of the siege of
Charleston.
It says:
‘
The fleet of iron clads, under command of
Admiral Dahlgren, were rendezvousing at
Port Royal and Elisto at last accounts.
These vessels have all been strengthened and put in complete order since the first attack, and are now considered as impregnable for defence as they are formidable for offence.
A number of wooden vessels have also been furnished with Whitworth guns and otherwise fitted to take part in the attack.
Gen. Gilmore has command of the large land force which was to cooperate with the navy.
The present plan was to first attack and take the batteries on
Morris's Island.
If they were captured it was expected that their big guns would be turned upon
Sumter, and our iron-clads would then be aided in humbling the for tress.
It is generally believed that most of
Beauregard's troops were sent to join
Lee before the
battle of Gettysburg, and it is thought there were but few men under arms at
Charleston.
At last accounts the
Federal forces both land and sea were determined that
Charleston should fall this time, if hard fighting would accomplish it.
’
Miscellaneous
On the 11th inst,
Lieut. Sanborn, who was drilling a negro military company, and while in front of
Andrew Foster's dry goods store on Main street,
Norfolk, was shot, one ball passing in at the mouth and out behind the ear, and another ball passed through his body, entering the left shoulder and passing out at the right.
Lieut. Sanborn died in about 15 minutes afterward.
Dr. Wright, of
Norfolk, is charged with the murder.
The New Albany (
Ind)
Ledger, of July 9, says that a gentleman engaged in recruiting a Union company at
Frankfort reached
Madison yesterday.
He reports that 300 rebels entered
Frankfort yesterday and seized the person of
Hon. John J. Crittenden.
We have not heard what disposition they have made of him.
The
Montreal Advertiser, after announcing
Vallandigham's arrival at
Halifax, states that he will go to
Niagara Falls, where he will remain for the present, taking care to keep on the
Canada side.
There is a panic in gold in
Baltimore.
Everybody is selling it. Sales have been made as low as 30 per cent premium.
Martial law has been proclaimed in
Cincinnati,
Covington and
Newport.
The cannonading at
Gettysburg was heard distinctly at
Greensburg, Pa, 125 miles distant.
The
King of Siem has written a letter to
Admiral Foots, hoping for the suppression of the rebellion, but fearing that there is a possibility of two republics being erected.
