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The Presidential campaign in the North.

To show the spirit in which the Presidential campaign is conducted, we make some extracts from late Northern papers. The Washington Chronicle (Lincoln's organ) of September 4th says:

‘ The trouble in the ranks of the Vallandigham Democracy is, that it is composed of two violently, antagonistic sections; the one clamorous for war, and the other clamorous for peace; and, between the two, poor General McClellan is suffering sadly. Thus, the war men hate Pendleton, who runs as the peace candidate for Vice-President; and the peace men hate McClellan, because he is the war candidate for President. Result: indifference everywhere, discontent everywhere, apathy everywhere.

’ The same paper has the following:

‘ It is one of the novel features of the present political campaign that the party whose candidate runs upon a purely military record depends chiefly for its success upon the defeat of our armies in the field.--Prevaricate or deny it as they may, the leaders of the Vallandigham Democracy can never elect their candidate for the Presidency if our armies in the field are victorious. What a spectacle is this! That a great organization, heretofore controlling the political power of the country, with all its traditions and prejudices in favor of waging war upon other nations — in fact, relying more upon this theme than anything else — should now be in the field, with its candidates for the two highest offices in the gift of the American people, dependent upon its success only in the hope that our armies are to be defeated in the field.

’ The New York Daily News thus defines the political status of Mr. Pendleton, the Democratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency:

George H. Pendleton is, in the words of the Tribune, "an anti-war Copperhead of the most intense shade; and his votes in Congress have rarely differed from those of Vallandigham and Benjamin Harris." Precisely so; and, as such, stands upon the Democratic ticket a worthy representative of that glorious phalanx which stood up in the Congress of the United States to denounce, in the face of raving madness, a war which has devastated the country, burdened our productive industry with a crushing debt, and murdered, --aye, murdered,--at the bidding of a fanatical Abolition, hundreds of thousands of our sons and brothers.

George H. Pendleton, it is true, protested against the destructive passions of fanaticism, standing in his place in Congress beside Vallandigham and Harris. The editor of the Daily News, who looks forward with a deepening pride to the memory of so glorious a fellowship, can bear witness that that same George H. Pendleton has dared to vote with the fearless and few who did not shrink from breasting the waves of fanaticism when the Abolition Thugs threatened to silence opposition by violent death. The leader, now, of that phalanx of patriotism, he has always proved himself worthy of his following; and we hail his name upon our ticket, regardless of the consideration of the triumph it presents to our long and patient labor in a good cause, as one full of heart-swelling hope to our afflicted country.

Commenting on the above, the Washington Chronicle says:

‘ The reader will remark that the Daily News declares Mr. Pendleton "stands upon the Democratic ticket a worthy representative of that glorious phalanx which stood up in the Congress of the United States to denounce, in the face of raving madness, a war which has devastated the country," &c. Mr. Pendleton, therefore, has not merely opposed the manner in which the Administration has conducted the war, but the war itself; and he is now put forward by men who claim to be patriotic and loyal as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. We need not say that no War Democrat; no patriot who is in favor of preserving the Union at all hazards; no disciple of the school of Andrew Jackson, who said that the "Union must and shall be preserved," can vote for George H. Pendleton. He will be cordially sustained by traitors of the school of the Daily News, who have constantly given aid to the rebellion, while swearing allegiance to the Constitution; but no man who is honest in professing to desire the preservation of the Union, peaceably if it may be, but forcibly if it must be, can vote for George H. Pendleton.

’ Yet Pendleton, who utterly loathes and hates the war, stands on the same ticket and in the subordinate place with a man who has won all his actrown--whatever that may be worth — in waging this very war for the suppression of the slaveholders' rebellion. He even now wears the stars upon his shoulders which were conferred upon him by President Lincoln for his services in leading our armies while they carried on that murderous warfare which the Daily News anathematizes with such peaceful ferocity of spirit. What is more strange, neither party claims to have changed his opinions — McClellan the hero of the war which Pendleton denounces as murderous.

How the Chicago members Talked.

The correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, in journeying to Chicago with many members of the Democratic Convention, was much impressed with their conversation. He says:

‘ But the saddest thing in all this political talk was the evident delight at our military failures. I do not write the words willingly; for, realizing profoundly that this rebellion can be put down by no party and by no effort that stops short of embracing the people of the North, I know how fully it is admitting that the end of these troublous times is not yet in sight. But there could be no mistaking the tone of exultation in which the invasion of the North and the siege of the capital in the fourth year of the war were paraded, and Grant's flanking operations were laughed at, and the ability of Jeff Davis was exultantly eulogized.

Mr. Chase and the Presidency.

Some of Mr. Chase's friends lately addressed him a letter of inquiry as to his views on the political situation, but more particularly to ascertain whether he was opposed to Mr. Lincoln's re-election. In his reply, Mr. Chase says:

‘ I do not see any reason for believing that the great cause to which we are all bound can be promoted any better, or as well, by withdrawing support from the nomination made at Baltimore; and no cause of dissatisfaction, however strong, will warrant any sacrifice of that cause. What future circumstances may require or warrant cannot now be forescen, and need not now be considered. I particularly desire my friends to do nothing or say nothing that can create the impression that there is any personal difference between Mr. Lincoln and myself, for there is none. All the differences that exist are on public questions, and have no private bearing.

The hour of trial.

The Nashville correspondent of the New York Times, in giving a review of the situation, discusses the magnitude of the work the Federals have yet to perform, and says:

‘ Add to this the pending Presidential contest. It seems unfortunate that this element--one of strife, and, sometimes, bitter animosity, even in peaceful times,--should be added just now to the disturbing forces of the country. We could wish that it had been otherwise for the present. But it is upon us, and must be met manfully, as every other crisis has been. A contest of this kind has, in ordinary times, shaken the country from centre to circumference. When the storm was over, and the deep calm came, and no injury was done the Commonwealth by the fierce elemental strife, the fact was pointed at, abroad as at home, as a splendid illustration of the safe-working and self-conserving potency of republican institutions.

’ The test soon to be re-enacted may involve more real peril than any that has preceded it. A mighty civil war upon our hands, whose determined prosecution, essential to our unity, and hence our very salvation, demands the whole energies of the country; the enemies of the Administration, aided by some who have ranked hitherto as its staunchest supporters, straining every nerve to overturn it, as if that were more important than to crush armed traitors now, and for years struggling to overturn the Government; personal disappointments, partisan rancor, fierce thirst for power and place, blended with honest, but misjudging, zeal for a change of rulers, and the inauguration of a different policy in conducting affairs,--all these things suggest grounds of fear that the coming contest may prove one of unexampled bitterness, the effects of which upon the country, in this its greatest trial hour, may prove signally disastrous to its highest interests.

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