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Additional from the North.

No Northern papers later than Tuesday were received at our lines yesterday, the Yankee mail- boat in the river having failed to make the connection. We give some further extracts from our files of that day:

The capture of the Florida.

The following are the official dispatches published relative to the capture of the Confederate cruiser Florida:

Boston, November 7, 1864.
Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Nary:

I have the honor to report the arrival of the Kearsarge off Scituate, from the Rocos.

I left the Wachusetts and Florida at St. Thomas. The Florida was captured at the harbor of Bahia by the Wachusetts on the 7th of October. We bring sixteen prisoners and one officer from the Florida.

John A. Winslow,
Commander of the Kearsarge.

St. Thomas, West India Islands, October 31,

via Boston, November 7, 1864.
Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy:

I have the honor to report the arrival here of this ship, with the rebel steamer Florida in company. The Florida, with fifty-eight men and twelve officers, was captured about 3 o'clock on the morning of the 7th of October, in the Bay of San Salvador, Brazil, by the officers and crew of this vessel, without loss of life, as five of her officers, including her commander, and the remainder of her crew, were on shore.

The Florida had her migzen mast and main yard carried away and her bulwards cut down. This vessel sustained no injury.

A detailed report will be handed to paymaster W. W. Williams.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant.

N. Comins,
Commander United States steamship Wachusetts.

Beast Butler in New York — his style of doing business — he does not want to Hurt Anybody.

The New York Times came out on the morning of the election with a long description of General Butler's arrival in the city and his method of conducting business there. One would think that this gentle cut-throat and thief had been actually suspected of some design on the elections in New York from the smooth and oily style in which the Times feels itself called upon to explain away all such suspicious. It says:

‘ On the General's arrival in the city he first went to the Fifth Avenue Hotel, but the business of his headquarters requiring more room than it was possible to obtain there, he removed to the Hoffman House, a new hotel on the corner of Broadway and Twenty-fifth street. In this new and splendid house the General and his staff occupy twelve rooms on the first floor, immediately adjoining the suite of rooms occupied by General Scott. Mrs. Butler and Miss Butler are with the General. Three of these rooms are used as offices for the numerous staff-secretaries and orderlies. In the central office is a telegraphic instrument, the wires from which connect with the War Department at Washington, with every city and town in the State of New York with which there is telegraphic communication, and with every police station-house in the city of New York. An operator is present day and night, and we will only mention, as an incident, that the General chatted for half an hour last night with the Secretary of War. Here all the business connected with the troops in the city and State is transacted. Order lies wait in the ante- room. Officers come and go, consultations are held, maps are pondered over, and wise precautionary measures decided upon relative to the safety of the State of New York from rebel raids or riotous mobs.

’ No more appropriate term than "writhing" can be applied to the actions of the Copperheads under the galling infliction of the presence of a man like General Butler, proverbial for his nerve, energy and fearlessness. They start the wildest rumors in regard to the General's orders, personal appearance and doings. If he asks a personal friend to call and see him, it is magnified into the arrest of half a dozen prominent Copperheads. An hour's life gives the rumor strength, and the number is increased to twenty, and your informant will give all the names and the color of the horses attached to the hacks which conveyed the victims to Fort Lafayette. The alleged arrest of Judge Dean grew out of what might have been an ordinary transaction between two gentlemen. The General, being much engaged, sent Captain Puffer, of his staff, to ask Judge Dean to call at his headquarters during the day, if convenient. It was impossible to construe it into an order; and if it had been, Judge Dean would undoubtedly have refused to obey it. The interview between the two gentlemen being of an unofficial character, was perfectly quiet, friendly and pleasant, and no threats were thought of or used either by General Butler or the staff officer who called upon the Judge. But on Saturday afternoon the Copperheads had it that Gilbert Dean had been dragged from the home of his family and locked up in Fort Lafayette. The excitement among the Copperheads passes the query among loyal men whether the presence of the General has not really killed some cherished scheme of villainy which had been concocted and was ripening for execution on the day of election. Not the least prevalent are rumors as to the numbers of troops sent here, their locations, and where they came from. Ten thousand men were said to be encamped in the upper part of the city; a careful reconnaissance filled to discover any signs of them. Seven thousand were reported in garrison at Fort Hamilton, but, in fact, nothing more than the usual number are present at that station. One thing, however, is certain, the troops are within call, conveniently located, and in sufficient force; but, as before stated, unless an absolute necessity demands their appearance, not an armed soldier will be seen in the city of New York to-day. Among Union men the feeling of satisfaction upon the arrival of the distinguished general universal. Many well-known citizens have called upon him and personally expressed their gratification. Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott was among his visitors yesterday, remaining for about an hour. Particularly in the up-town wards, where the citizens are more exposed to the violence of the mob, is the feeling of presence of the General and agreeable change from the previous doubts and fears. The opinion is now out-spoken by every one that the election to-day will pass off in as quiet and orderly a manner as if it were an every-day occurrence. General Butler himself is unmoved amid this busy whirl of rumors and excitement. He receives visitors, issues orders, makes himself acquainted with the city, studies the organization of the police force, eats his dinner with a good apponta, and sleeps in peace. Not a little curious are some of the important communications confidentially imparted to him by nervous individuals. One man called on the General yesterday, sent in his card, and, having obtained an interview, stated that a widespread conspiracy existed, having for its object the assassination of General Butler, and that at the head of it was no less a man than one of the best-known Democrats in this city. The General replied that he was under obligations to his visitor, but felt no alarm for his personal safety. On rising to go, the "well-informed gentleman" left his business card, something in the haber dashing line, upon the table, and requested General Butler to give him a call if he was in need of anything of that kind. Abusive and threatening letters are received at his headquarters every day. Their style is usually profane, their orthography dubious, and the signatures anonymous. They run over the hackneyed vituperative epithets which the rebels and the Copperheads have jointly invented and applied to the man whom they equally hate; they inform him that he will be a dead man before the sun sets to-day, and sometimes they detail the manner and form of his sudden taking off. An extract from one of them will show their tenor. Leaving out the outrageous obscenity and blasphemy with which the letter is filled, the concluding sentence is as follows:

"Beware of your master that is to be — the pure and noble McClellan. I have at my command in this city ten thousand able-bodied man to respond at any moment to a call to cut the throats of your self and Take a warning in time from

A New Yorker,
new recruiting in this city for the purpose mentioned
The above is a specimen of the Generals ""

Exposition of Lincoln's plan for his next term — now he Expects the "rebels". immediately to come forward and Sue for peace.

The speech of Secretary Seward at Abburn the night before the election very clearly shows the Yankee delusion that the Confederates have been looking to the Northern Democracy for peace instead of the victories over the Yankee armies.--Seward has fallen into the mistake as deeply as shy of the Sumner and Wade party. We give an extract from his address:

You have already abundant evidences of the exhaustion of the rebels, but not yet evidence of their consciousness of that exhaustion. Those evidences will appear immediately on the announcement of the re-election of Abraham Lincoln. [Cheers.]--You would have had those evidences carrier if you had rendered this verdict sooner. You will have them all the sooner after the verdict in proportion to the unanimity and determination with which it is spoken. [Loud cheers.] The messengers who come thither from the rebel regions will be different from those who are now lingering and loitering on the Canada shores to aid the execution of the plot conceived against you at Chicago. [Cheers.] The messengers who come will come not as those last mentioned, with commissions addressed to the pusillanimous and factious minority of the North, but they will come addressed to Abraham Lincoln, the honored father of the American nation. [Great applause, and three cheers for "Old Abe."] Their message will not be conceived in the insolent words, "Your war for the Union has failed; desist from arms and give us, through negotiation, separate independence." But it will be, "Father Abraham, we have sinned before God and against our brethren. We repent our error; we disavow and offer up the traitors who have led us into crime. Extend your protection over us, and give us, once more, peace and communion with you at our altars and our firesides" [Prolonged and vehement cheers.] This is the way in which I think the war is to end. I know that, in that way, it will end soon. I know it because few civil wars in which a strong government and people defend themselves with unanimity last so long as four years; and it is certain that we are three years and a half nearer the end of this conflict, if so maintained, then we were when we began. [Cheers.]--Now let us take the other view. Suppose we seek peace under the council of Chicago whether according to the naked and detestable text of the resolutions, or as evasively interpreted and glossed by the candidate who stands upon that platform. [Laughter, and cries of "It's too shaky. He can't stand on it."] It is to seek peace by conciliating the rebels and substituting diplomacy or the arts of statesmanship for the vigor of war. [A voice--"Little Mac for Grant"--laughter.] Adopt that policy, and distraction instantly seizes the North--courage and new resolution inspire the South--your soldiers, betrayed at home, either fall in despair in their trenches or, what would be worse, recoil before the enemy advancing upon Washington and Cincinnati. Those persons are mistaken who say that Davis would not negotiate, and that he would not grant us an armistice. He would grant us both at once, and grant them, too, with a view to an "ultimate convention." He can afford to be very accommodating to a cowardly antagonist; he can afford to temporize as longs as you please. But, like any other belligerent, he will grant you armistice and negotiation for his own advantage, not for yours, and he will negotiate not for Union, but for dissolution. I do not argue this point. Any candid, thoughtful man, of whatever party, must admit that this view of what the rebels will do is possible. Most persons will concede that it is eminently probable. Then I say in regard to the Chicago proposition, with the King in "Hamlet":

"Let's further think of this.

Weigh what convenience both of time and means may fit to our shape."

"If this should fall,

And that our drift look through our bad performance, There better not assayed;

Therefore this project should have a back on second, That might hold if this should blast in proof."

Alas ! since this Chicago plan must fall, it has no back or second. [Cheers and laughter.]

When negotiation and all the arts of statesmanship are exhausted, the navy would be scattered, withdrawn from the blockade, and the armies dispersed in their homes — the treasury empty — the national credit sunk — France and Great Britain will have recognised the rebels, and even our steadfast friend, the Emperor of Russia, [cheers] together with the Sultan of Turkey, the Pasha of Egypt and the Emperor of China, will have given over, with pain and mortification, the friendly nation that, in a pusillanimous hour, delivered itself to self- destruction. [Cheers.]

Fellow-citizens, you are all free and independent as I am, and you may, and must, decide the question for yourselves. I cannot decide it for you, nor shall you decide it for me. I am not going to surrender to the rebels. [Cheers.] No ! though they extend the desolation of civil war over the whole land — though they come backed in their unholy quarrel by one or many foreign States. I am not going to surrender now. Therefore I want no armistice, no cessation of hostilities, no negotiation with rebels in arms. [Cheers.] However it may be with others, "I looked before I leaped."--[Cheers.] If I could have been ready to surrender now, I should have proposed surrender at the beginning. I should have accepted terms without waiting for Bull Run — certainly after Bull Run.--I would have availed myself of the first gleam of victory to secure terms as little humiliating as possible. I should have negotiated after the capture of New Orleans — after Murfreesboro'--after Norfolk — after Antietam — after Vicksburg — after Gettysburg — I would have gone, under the pressure of national affliction, and made every defeat a claim to rebel sympathy and clemency. After the first Bull Run battle — after the second Bull Run battle — after Gaines's Mill — after Fredericksburg — after Chancellorsville — after the defeat of Banks on the Red river — I am not going to surrender, now nor never. [Loud cheers.] As for the arts of statesmanship, I know of none applicable in this case. The only art of statesmanship that I do know is to be faithful to God and to my country.--[Applause.] I seek to cultivate charity and prevent war, civil or foreign, as long as, consistent with national justice and honor and safety, it can be prevented; but when in war, to fight with courage, constancy and resolution, and thus to save my country or fall with its defenders. [Tremendous cheers.]:

Last-day appeals.

The New York Tribune came out Tuesday morning with a string of short editorials, which give a good idea of the Lincoln appeals to the Yankee people. We give some of them:

[First article;]

The rebel Governor Watts, of Alabama, lately called his Legislature to meet in extra session, and it met accordingly. He sent it a message, stating that he wished it to make additional appropriations and provision for the public defence; that is, for the maintenance of the rebellion. The Legislature refused to do anything of the sort by ten majority in the Senate and twenty in the House, and adjourned in that mood, after having received, but not acted on, a proposition by one of its members to open negotiations for a return to the Union. A rebel regiment was on hand, that would, doubtless, have been wielded to disperse the Legislature had it voted to return to loyalty; but the Union victory at the polls to-day will convince the last doubter that peace and security are to be found no where else but in the Union.

[second article.]

Vile wretches, who value their votes at the price of a glass of whiskey, will to-day travel from poll to poll, repeating their friends upon honest electors.--Men of both parties, it is your duty to stop this base business. Spot the fellows, and follow them till you get evidence enough to warrant their arrest by a policeman. The city pays one hundred dollars for every person so arrested; the New York State Union Committee offer one thousand dollars reward for the first arrest and conviction of a person offering a fraudulent soldier's vote; and smart, active workers at the polls may easily clear their expenses and a handsome bonus besides serving well their country in suppressing these knaveries.

[Third article.]

Certain hotels and boarding-houses in this city swarm with secessionists, fresh from the fol is of rebeldom. If possible, these fellows will vote to do that which their friends at home have hitherto failed to accomplish. Thanks to the bravery of our soldiers, the armed enemy has been kept back from overrunning the fair fields of the North. Thousands of them, however, laying aside their warlike path, have stolen through our lines to stab our soldiers in the back. Fathers and brothers of the absent brave, be yours the duty to meet these enemies at the polls and put them to flight. This is a duty which you owe to those of your own blood now bivouacking on the battle-field. See that it be fully and faithfully performed.

[Fourth article.]

Beware of Last Cards! If the Copperheads should circulate to-day a story that the President is dead, or General Grant defeated, or Washington taken by surprise, never stop to contradict them, but just pour in the Union votes till sundown ! It will be soon enough to regard their door backs after the polls shall have closed.

The proposition for negro soldiers at the South.

The New York News, under the head of "The Black Reserves of the South," says:

‘ The movement among the Confederates for bringing into the field the enormous reserves that they may draw on at any moment from their negroes gains breadth and force. It certainly bodies these States no good if the war be allowed to drag on into another campaign. Unable now to do much more than hold our own against the white troops of the South, how can we expect to do so when they shall have been reinforced by four or five hundred thousand able-bodied negroes? Their surplus strength will then flow past our flanks and sweep over our borders from the Mississippi to the sea in an inundation of retaliatory invasion. Woe be to the day when two hundred thousand semi-civilized Africans, trained in life-long obedience to the officers by whom they will be led, shall have glared in the spirit of savage vengeance from long and deep ranks upon the fields and homesteads and men and women of our Southern border.


A squash, weighing one hundred and fifty-one pounds, is on exhibition in Auburn, New York.

A woman who was jealous of her husband was burned to death in Canada, the other day, by his throwing kerosine oil, lighted, all over her.

John Dolen, of Virginia City. Nevada territory, was recently convicted of stealing seven hundred dollars, and was hung within twenty-four hours afterward.

A drover in Cincinnati lost four hundred dollars, which a cow swallowed, a fact that was ascertained by finding in her mouth pieces of the greenbacks.--He had her killed, and picked out of the stomach and put together enough to amount to one hundred and eighty-six dollars.

A flag-staff one hundred and seventy feet high, in a single stick, has been created at Bridgeport, Connecticut, at a cost of fifteen hundred dollars, by Elias Howe, Jr., the sewing- machine man.

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