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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ubstituted for the majority report by a considerable majority, and were then passed by a vote of more than two to one. With a slight amendment, they then passed the Senate with no serious opposition. Sumner's resolutions thus became the declared opinions of the State. The antislavery Whigs, after their defeat at the State convention in September, took great satisfaction in this result, which, as they felt, put Massachusetts again right on the record. Sumner wrote to J. R. Giddings, February 25:— Our first point should be our principles; and if Corwin does not stand firm on those, much as we admire his present position, we could not support him. I am afraid of a convention; we should be beaten there. The machinery of the party, or of a majority, is in the hands of the Old Whigs. It would be desirable to prevent a convention if possible. The device of leaving to the States each to vote for its own Vice-President might avoid local embarrassments in the canvass; but behind
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
nominated, could not be elected, and that Taylor was the only candidate whom the Whigs could elect. He stated that Mr. Lawrence's preference for Taylor dated as far back as his own, and had been expressed for months; and that he had signified to the New York Taylor committee that he would accept a place on the ticket with General Taylor. Mr. Lawrence, Feb. 17, 1848, wrote a letter to a Taylor meeting in Philadelphia connecting the names of Washington and Taylor (printed in the Atlas, February 25), saying that Taylor, if nominated by the Whigs, would be elected. Henry Wilson, in a letter to the New York Tribune, April 1, 1848, stated that a few manufacturers of considerable influence were almost the only supporters of Taylor, and were associating with his candidacy the name of Mr. Lawrence, though not coming forward in conventions. But without imputing duplicity to either of these gentlemen, there is no doubt that the Whig leaders, at least some of them, did not have the courage
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
. Charles Allen wrote from Washington, Feb. 7, 1851: I need no declaration from you that you did not seek nor desire political office. On that subject you have no secrets to communicate to me; your purposes and wishes have been transparent. It is not difficult for me to appreciate your repugnance to political life. Palfrey, who was very unfriendly to the cooperation of the Free Soilers with the Democrats, nevertheless expressly acquitted Sumner of all selfish ends,—saying in a letter, February 25: No one acquainted with your course in this matter can ever say that it has not been most high and honorable. Stephen C. Philips 1801-1857—and no finer character distinguishes this period—naturally felt, after being the head of the Free Soil State ticket, a sense of disappointment that he had not been selected as the candidate for senator. He wrote Sumner pathetically, just after the nomination was made: I acquit you of all unfriendly intentions or acts. I rejoice in the conviction th<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
t victory of the Northern idea since 1787. See Sumner's letter to a Massachusetts committee, February 25 (Works, vol. IV. p. 96), expressing a similar idea. While the election was pending, slavery proslavery invaders. A few days later, Hale of New Hampshire supported him. Jones Jones, February 25. called Hale the devil's own. Congressional Globe, App. 101. See further remarks of Jones ive personalities, which drew spirited retorts from Wilson and Hale. Butler came thus early (February 25 and March 5) into the controversy. He repelled the accusations which Wilson and Hale had mason,—all which is to his credit. It shows that he has done his work. To Theodore Parker, February 25:— Wilson has earned his senatorship. He has struck a hard blow, and made them all very in Philadelphia with the family of Mr. Furness, and arrived in Washington Wednesday evening, February 25. New York Tribune, February 27, March 5. He was the next day at two o'clock in the afterno
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ty, beneficial to both races, even ennobling to the white race, and the just basis of republican government; presenting an attitude altogether changed from that of Southern statesmen at the close of the last and during the first third of the present century, who confined themselves to apologies and regrets. Davis was then the Democratic leader of the Senate, and his resolutions, which he introduced February 2, affirming the sanctity of slave property in the territories, were passed May 24 and 25 by a vote of two to one; his resolution approving the fugitive-slave acts, and denouncing the personal liberty laws of the States, being passed by a vote of thirty-six to six,—all having been previously approved by a caucus of the Democratic senators. Douglas was kept from the Senate by illness on the days of voting. His ally, Pugh, voted with the Democratic senators for all but the territorial resolution. Douglas defended at length, May 15 and 16, against Davis, his popular sovereignty i