Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for March 16th or search for March 16th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
y of New York, March 17, 1863. Works, vol. VII. pp. 313-315. and by prompting leaders in the Tribune and Evening Post of that city, as also in the National Intelligencer. He remained in Washington for some weeks after the session closed, largely for the purpose of arresting proceedings under the act. In his appeals to the President, repeated at short intervals, he was fortified by letters from John Bright and the American banker in London, Joshua Bates. In a letter to R. Schleiden. March 16, Sumner wrote: I took to the President last evening Woolsey's Manual of international law, and called his attention to two pages on privateering, in order that he might see how it is regarded by one of our moralists and instructors. He read the condemnation aloud until his eyesight failed; then I finished the passage. Adams in a letter to Seward, March 27, 1863, deprecated any present resort to so doubtful a remedy. Mr. Lincoln was impressed with his representations, and invited him to st
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
Advertiser, February 27 and March 9, 10, 12, disapproved Sumner's opposition to the amendment. Sumner replied in its columns to its article of March 12 (Works, vol. x. pp. 375, 376). C. E. Norton in the New England Publication Society's paper, March 16, also took exception to the senator's course. There was a feeling among Republicans that the party would lose prestige with the people unless it carried through Congress some constitutional amendment concerning representation, and that it would . 1421, 1439, 1443, 2615, 2621, 3523, 3549): the mission to Portugal. July 20 (Globe. pp. 3952-3954); the editing of the Confederate archives. May 24 (Works, vol. x. pp. 464-467); the purchase of land for the navy yard at Charlestown, Mass., March 16 (Globe, p. 1446); the publication of the annual report of the National Academy of Sciences, March 15 (Globe, pp. 1418, 1419); the purchase of the law library of James L. Petigru the intrepid Unionist of South Carolina, July 3 (Works, vol. x. pp
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
to the Southern States. which he defended in debate. March 11; Works, vol. XI. pp. 124-136. He defended the plan proposed by the resolutions at a later date, March 16; Ibid., pp. 143-163. Address, Oct. 29, 1868; Works, vol. XII. pp. 526, 527. they were opposed by Sherman and Frelinghuysen on the ground that such supplementaryor color; but though he found new allies in Morton and Cole, this effort failed by a tie vote, a majority of the Republican senators, however, sustaining him. March 16; Work;, vol. XI. pp. 146-163. He made another like effort July 11 and 13; Ibid., pp. 397-408. He again declared his regret that military rather than civil methocized by all his colleagues as extreme, inappropriate, and untimely, but were supported by them the next year with a zeal and vehemence even greater than his. March 16; Congressional Globe, p. 170. The Democratic senators were apt to harass their Republican opponents with thrusts of this kind. Hendricks said (Jan. 30, 1868,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
h. Ante, pp. 401-403.—which, however, did not come to a vote. Dr. Howe, who had a passion for revolutions and civil disturbances of all kinds, and had no respect for the restrictions of international law or comity, was vexed with Sumner for not promoting the intervention of the United States in behalf of the insurgent Cubans. Mrs. Howe also subjected Sumner to public criticism for his refusal to have the United States make common cause with the Cuban insurgents. Sumner replied to him, March 16:— As to Cuba, I am obliged to say that I have never seen any evidence that brings her insurgents within any rule of law, reason, or humanity justifying our concession to them of a flag on the ocean. No nation can concede to insurgents a flag on the ocean—which is the present question—unless it bounds on the ocean, has ports and the means of administering justice on the ocean. Such is the requirement of civilization in the interest of peace, and to prevent the burning of ships on th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
at all on such a solution of the difficulty; and indeed his own faith must have been slight. His position is indicated, perhaps with authority, in the Washington correspondence of the Boston Journal, March 19. Compare New York Evening Post, March 16. The Liberal Republican movement was from the start in some danger of falling into the hands of enthusiasts or irresponsible malcontents. Its promoters, particularly the editors of the journals already mentioned, who to a great extent took who struck the blow! After his speech against the President, May 31, he was represented as holding a broken bow, bent once too often, or as serving the old hash from a dish. For other representations of Sumner by the artist, see issues March 9, 16; April 27; August 3; November 16, 23, 1872. The artist delighted greatly in picturing Whitelaw Reid, or White-lie Reid, as he called him, in various unseemly attitudes. He placed Greeley, whose personal honesty was never questioned, again and agai
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873March 11, 1874. (search)
ding event. No death, except that of Lincoln,—it was a common remark at the time,—had for a long period so touched the popular heart. For days and weeks the press teemed with narratives of his life and delineations of his character. The Washington Chronicle (Forney's journal) recorded the titles, Honored statesman, true patriot, generous friend; J. W. Forney, in his Sunday Chronicle, March 15, paid two tributes to the senator. The New York Tribune published leaders upon him March 12 and 16, and April 30. and recurring to the theme on the day of the funeral, said: He was no master in the arts of the cunning demagogue. He never for himself asked the vote of a single person or solicited an office. The New York Tribune began its leader with the sentence, The most dignified and illustrious name which the Senate has in recent years borne upon its rolls has disappeared from them forever. In its fuller estimate it said: His dignity and impressive courtesy sat well upon a princely fra