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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 9 9 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 4 4 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 21-22 (ed. Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D.) 2 2 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
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Appian, Illyrian Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER II (search)
he child's mother. Demetrius, who was Agron's governor of Pharus and who held Corcyra also, surrendered both places to the invading Romans by treachery. The latter then entered into an alliance with Epidamnus and went to the assistance of the Issii and of the Epidamnians, who were besieged by the Illyrians. The latter raised the siege and fled, and one of their tribes, called the Atintani, went over to the Romans. After these Y.R. 526 events the widow of Agron sent ambassadors to Rome to B.C. 228 surrender the prisoners and deserters into their hands. She begged pardon also for what had been done, not by herself, but by Agron. They received for answer that Corcyra, Pharus, Issa, Epidamnus, and the Illyrian Atintani were already Roman subjects, that Pinnes might have the remainder of Agron's kingdom and be a friend of the Roman people if he would keep hands off the aforesaid territory, and agree not to sail beyond Lissus nor to keep more than two Illyrian pinnaces, both to be unarmed.
Polybius, Histories, book 2, Teuta Agrees to Pay Tribute to Rome (search)
Teuta Agrees to Pay Tribute to Rome Then Gnaeus Fulvius sailed back to Rome with the B. C. 228. Teuta submits. larger part of the naval and military forces, while Postumius, staying behind and collecting forty vessels and a legion from the cities in that district, wintered there to guard the Ardiaei and other tribes that had committed themselves to the protection of Rome. Just before spring in the next year, Teuta sent envoys to Rome and concluded a treaty; in virtue of which she consented to pay a fixed tribute, and to abandon all Illyricum, with the exception of some few districts: and what affected Greece more than anything, she agreed not to sail beyond Lissus with more than two galleys, and those unarmed. When this arrangement had been concluded, Postumius sent legates to the Aetolian and Achaean leagues, who on their arrival first explained the reasons for the war and the Roman invasion; and then stated what had been accomplished in it, and read the treaty which had been made w
Polybius, Histories, book 2, Jealousy At Rome of Hasdrubal In Spain (search)
Jealousy At Rome of Hasdrubal In Spain We must now return to Hasdrubal in Iberia. He had Hasdrubal in Spain. The founding of New Carthage, B. C. 228. during this period been conducting his command with ability and success, and had not only given in general a great impulse to the Carthaginian interests there, but in particular had greatly strengthened them by the fortification of the town, variously called Carthage, and New Town, the situation of which was exceedingly convenient for operations in Libya as well as in Iberia. Hasdrubal in Spain. The founding of New Carthage, B. C. 228. I shall take a more suitable opportunity of speaking of the site of this town, and pointing out the advantages offered by it to both countries: I must at present speak of the impression made by Hasdrubal's policy at Rome. Seeing him strengthening the Carthaginian influence in Spain, and rendering it continually more formidable, the Romans were anxious to interfere in the politics of that country. They d
Polybius, Histories, book 3, The Fourth Treaty (search)
by the other. "Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any public building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the other, nor make any compact of friendship with the allies of the other. "The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the Romans two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand on the spot; and shall restore all prisoners, without ransom, to the Romans." Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, theFifth treaty, B. C. 238. Romans went so far as to pass a decree for war with Carthage, but eventually made a treaty to the following effect: "The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred talents." Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiatedSixth treaty, B. C. 228. with Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was stipulated that "the Carthaginians should not cross the Iber with arms." Such were the mutual obligations established between Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to that of Hannibal.
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 22 (ed. Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D.), chapter 33 (search)
us Paulus led an expedition against him which resulted (in 219) in his defeat and exile. who, beaten in war, had fled to him for refuge; and others to expostulate with the Ligurians, because they had aided the Phoenician with supplies and men, and at the same time to observe at close range what was going on amongst the Boi and the Insubres.In view of the revolt recorded in xxi. xxv. Ambassadors were likewise sent to King PineusWhom the Romans had placed on the Illyrian throne in 228 B.C. after their defeat of Teuta. in Illyria, to demand a tribute which was overdue, or, in case he wished the time extended, to take hostages. So far were the Romans, though bearing upon their shoulders the burden of a mighty war, from permitting any concern of theirs to escape them, in however remote a part of the world it lay. They were troubled, too, that the contract for the temple of Concord, which the praetor Lucius Manlius had vowed two years before in Gaul, during the mutiny
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 22 (ed. Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D.), chapter 57 (search)
ime, by the direction of the Books of Fate, some unusual sacrifices were offered; amongst others a Gaulish man and woman and a Greek man and woman wereB.C. 216 buried alive in the Cattle Market, in a place walled in with stone, which even before this time had been defiled with human victims, a sacrifice wholly alien to the Roman spirit.Livy means that the sacrifice, prescribed by the Greek Sibylline Books, was a Greek and not a Roman rite. The earlier instance referred to in the text was in 228 B.C. (Zonaras VIII. xix.). Deeming that the gods had now been sufficiently appeased, Marcus Claudius Marcellus sent fifteen hundred soldiers whom he had under him, enrolled for service with the fleet, from Ostia to Rome, to defend the City; and sending before him to Teanum Sidicinum the naval legion (to wit, the thirdIn chap. liii. ยง 2 the third legion is one of those which fought at Cannae. Possibly the naval legions were separately numbered, or (more probably) there had now been a new numb
Anaxandra the daughter of the painter Nealces, was herself a painter about B. C. 228. (Didymus, apud Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 523b., Sylb.) [P.S]
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith), (search)
to us to be very strained, and we think Pomponius must have meant to convey, whether rightly or wrongly, first, that before Coruncanius, it was not usual for jurists to take pupils; and, secondly, that the pupils of Coruncanius were not left to gain knowledge merely by seeing business transacted and hearing or reading the opinions given by their master to those who consulted him, but that they received special instruction in the general doctrines of law. The two Coruncanii who were sent B. C. 228 as ambassadors front Rome to Teuta, queen of Illyricum, to complain of the maritime depredations of her subjects, and one of whom at least was put to death by her orders, were probably the sons of the jurist. (Appian, de Rebus Illyr. 7; Plb. 2.8; Plin.H. N. 34.6.) By Polybius they are called Caius and Lucius; by Pliny, P. Junius and Tiberius. Titus for Tiberius, and Coruncanus for Coruncanius, are ordinary corruptions of the jurist's name. (Rutilius, Vitae JCtorum, 100.5; Heineccius, H
i, the son of one C. Flaminius, who is otherwise unknown, was tribune of the people in B. C. 323; and, notwithstanding the most violent opposition of the senate and the optimates, he carried an agrarian law, ordaining that the Ager Gullicus Picenus, which had recently been conquered, should be distributed viritim among all the plebeians. According to Cicero (de Senect. 4) the tribuneship of Flaminius and his agrarian law belong to the consulship of Sp. Carvilius and Q. Fabius Maximus, i.e. B. C. 228, or four years later than the time stated by Polybius. (2.21.) But Cicero's statement is improbable, for we know that in B. C. 227 C. Flaminius was praetor; and the aristocratic party, which he had irreconcilably offended by his agrarian law, would surely never have suffered him to be elected praetor the very year after his tribuneship. Cicero therefore is either mistaken, or we must have recoure to the supposition that Flaminius brought forward his bill in 232, and that it was not carrie
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith), (search)
Ma'ximus, Carvi'lius 2. SP. CARVILIUS, SP. F. C. N. MAXIMUS RUGA, son of No. 1, was consul, B. C. 234, with L. Postumius Albinus, and carried on war first against the Corsicans and then against the Sardinians: according to the Fasti Capitolini he obtained a triumph over the latter people. (Zonar. 8.18.) he was consul a second time in B. C. 228 with Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucossus, in which year, according to Cicero (Cato, 4), he did not resist, like his colleague, the agrarian law of the tribune C. Flaminius for the division of the lands in Cisalpine Gaul. Polybius (2.21), however, places the agrarian law of C. Flaminius four years earlier, in the consulship of M. Aemilius Lepidus, B. C. 232. Carvilius is not mentioned again till the year of the fatal battle of Cannae, B. C. 216, when he proposed, in order to fill up the numbers of the senate and to unite the Latin allies more closely to the Romans in this their season of adversity, that the vacancies in the senate should be supplied
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