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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
ee-State leaders, in Lawrence, which suspended the feud for the present. The Missourians dispersed, and the troubled land once more had peace. In the Spring of 1856, the pro-Slavery party on the Kansas border were reenforced by Col. Buford, from Alabama, at the head of a regiment of wild young men, mainly recruited in South Ca Free State not only, but of one fitted by education and experience to be an apostle of the gospel of Universal Freedom. The Democratic National Convention for 1856 met at Cincinnati on the 2d of June. John E. Ward, of Georgia, presided over its deliberations. On the first ballot, its votes for Presidential candidate were cas. Calhoun, both slaveholders, and thus secured nearly every elector from the Slave States, are conveniently ignored by Mr. Fillmore. The Presidential contest of 1856 was ardent and animated up to the October elections wherein the States of Pennsylvania and Indiana were carried by the Democrats, rendering the election of Buchana
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 19 (search)
f the soil and the commodities created by the industry of the people of our western valleys and of the Union at large. Hon. Albert G. Brown, Senator from Mississippi, visited Mr. Buchanan at Lancaster soon after his nomination for President in 1856, as one of the Committee appointed by the Convention to apprise him officially of the fact, and was, of course, very cordially received. After his return to Washington, he wrote June 18, 1856. to his friend and constituent, Hon. S. R. Adams, anny South. Please let me hear from you when you have leisure. Mrs. Brodhead joins me in sending kind remembrances to Mrs. Davis and yourself. Sincerely and gratefully your friend, John Brodhead. The Republican National Convention of 1856, in the platform of principles framed and adopted by it, alluded to this subject as follows: Resolved, That the highwayman's plea that might makes right, embodied in the Ostend Circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
coln and Hamlin by the Republicans the canvass Gov. Seward's closing words. the vote polled for Fremont and Dayton in 1856 considerably exceeded the solid strength, at that time, of the Republican party. It was swelled in part by the personal pited States Senate as necessary deductions from the fundamental law of the land. The Democratic National Convention of 1856 had decided that its successor should meet at Charleston, S. C., which it accordingly did, on the 23d of April, 1860. Ations unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject-matters; and we ran advanced step from the Democratic party. [Mr. Pugh here read the resolves of the Alabama Democratic State Convention of 1856, to prove that the South was then satisfied with what it now rejects. He proceeded to show that the Northern Democrats ha
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxv. Peace Democracy—peace Conference. (search)
der its fruits. We do not wish them to give up any political advantage. We urge measures which are demanded by the honor and the safety of our Union. Can it be that they are less concerned than we are? Will they admit that they have interests antagonistic to those of the whole commonwealth? Are they making sacrifices, when they do that which is required by the common welfare? Had New England and some other of the Fremont States revolted, or threatened to revolt, after the election of 1856, proclaiming that they would never recognize nor obey Mr. Buchanan as President, unless ample guarantees were accorded them that Kansas should thenceforth be regarded and treated as a Free Territory or State, would any prominent Democrat have thus insisted that this demand should be complied with Would he have urged that the question of Freedom or Slavery in Kansas should be submitted to a direct popular vote, as the only means of averting civil war? Yet Gov. Seymour demanded the submission
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 30 (search)
all the forces of Slavery and treason, proceeded openly to cast in his and their lot with the fortunes of the Great Rebellion. Kentucky, despite the secret affiliation of her leading politicians with the traitors, whom many of them ultimately joined, refused from the outset, through the authentic action of her people, to unite her fortunes with those of the Rebellion. Though she had, for some years, been a Democratic State--casting her Presidential vote for Buchanan and Breckinridge, in 1856, by some seven thousand majority Burchanan 74,642; Fillmore 67,416; Fremont 314.--the cloven foot of treason had no sooner been exhibited, by the disruption of the Democratic party at Charleston, than her people gave unmistakable notice that they would acquiesce in no such purpose. Her State Election occurred not long afterward, August 6, 1860. when Leslie Combs, Union candidate for Clerk of her highest Court (the only office filled at this election by the general vote of the State), w
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxi. The forces in conflict. (search)
n of my Missouri Compromise letter would do any good, it shall yet be published. In this spirit, Northern aspirants and office-seekers had for years been egging on the leaders of Southern opinion to take higher ground in opposition to Northern fanaticism and in assertion of Southern rights. Gen. John A. Quitman, of Mississippi--an able and worthy disciple of Mr. Calhoun--in a letter written shortly before his death, stated that Senator Douglas, just prior to the Cincinnati Convention of 1856, made complaints to him of the disposition of Southern men to be too easily satisfied, substantially like those of Mr. Buchanan, just quoted. He suggested that they should boldly demand all their rights, and accept nothing less. In this spirit, the following letter from a leading Democrat of Illinois, formerly Governor of that State, was written after the secession of South Carolina: Bellville, Ill., Dec. 28, 1860. dear. Friends: I write to you because I cannot well avoid it. I am,
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
; Convention of 1843 at, 191; Conventions at, in 1852, 222-3: Whig Convention of 1856 at, 247; Seceders' and Douglas Conventions at, 317-18: other Conventions at, 818ska-Kansas bill. 228; responds to Senator Dixon, 230; in the Dem. Convention of 1856, 216; opposes the Lecompton Constitution, 250; canvasses Illinois with Lincoln, o, 19; 254; letter to his son, 36. law, George, in the American Convention of 1856, 247; his letter to the President, 467-8. lawless, Judge, his charge at St. Liladelphia, Pa., riots at, 126; fugitive-slave arrests at, 216; Convention at in 1856, 247; Peace Meeting at, 362 to 366; Geo. W. Curtis at, 367; speech of President Pinkney, William, of Md., on Missouri, 76. Pittsburgh, Pa., the Convention of 1856 at, 246; excitement at, in regard to the transfer of arms to the South, 408; schs contingent secession, 85. Quitman, John A., in the Democratic Convention of 1856, 246; a filibuster, 270; statement of with regard to Senator Douglas, 512. R.
Colonel Theodore Lyman, With Grant and Meade from the Wilderness to Appomattox (ed. George R. Agassiz), Introduction (search)
ng himself to the study of Ophiurans while maintaining a broad interest in the outside world, Lyman became the authority of his day on that group. In 1858 he married Elizabeth Russell, daughter of George R. Russell, an East India merchant of Boston. Lyman took his bride home to his Brookline house, where they lived some two years, before starting to travel in Europe. There a daughter was born, and there they remained until she was old enough to be brought safely home. In the winter of 1856, the year after he graduated, Lyman was sent by Agassiz on a scientific pilgrimage to Florida waters. In Key West he ran across Captain George Gordon Meade of the Engineers, who was superintending the construction of lighthouses in that district. In those days a traveller was a rara avis in Florida, and a lonely wanderer found but scant accommodation. Captain Meade had a ship at his disposal, and was delighted to have the chance of offering Lyman the hospitalities of his floating home, for
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 10 (search)
our permanent debt, besides the extra sums obtained by increased taxation from the people. At the beginning of the war with Napoleon, our national debt was two hundred and thirty-three millions; by the close of the war we had trebled it. Every farthing of this money was spent in war, and hundreds of millions besides, the accumulating debt being bound, like a millstone, round our necks forever. The Russian war shows that we have only to get our blood heated to be as extravagant as ever. In 1856 our expenditure was eighty-four millions, the year after nearly as much, and the whole expense of the war has been estimated at not less than one hundred millions. And what was the object for which we threw away such vast sums of money? The integrity of the Empire was not threatened. An insurgent host was not encamped within thirty miles of the capital. We were not called upon to wage a struggle for national existence, and to preserve intact the glorious traditions of our country. No, th
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 12 (search)
ats at Charleston, they went to Baltimore for the mere purpose of more effectually completing the work of destruction by drawing off another detachment? I, sir, entertain no doubt that the secession was the result most desired by the disunionists; that the object of the new issue then gotten up was merely to form a pretext for secession, and its adoption was the last thing they desired or designed. Glance a moment at a few facts: Alabama, led by an open disunionist, went to Cincinnati, in 1856, under instructions to secede unless the equal rights of all States and Territories should be conceded and incorporated into the platform of the democratic party. The concession was made and they had no opportunity to secede. They came to Charleston under the same leader, again instructed to secede unless the convention would put into the platform a new plank, the effect of which, if adopted, would be further to disgust and alienate the Northern democracy. In this instance the sine qua n
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