Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for James G. Birney or search for James G. Birney in all documents.

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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 1: re-formation and Reanimation.—1841. (search)
. 28, 1842): Resolved, That the sectarian organizations called churches are combinations of thieves, robbers, adulterers, pirates, and murderers, and, as such, form the bulwark of American slavery—this last phrase being probably suggested by James G. Birney's tract, The American Churches the Bulwarks of American Slavery (published first, anonymously, in London, Sept. 23, 1840; in a second and third [American] edition in Newburyport, Mass., in 1842; and again, in Boston, in May, 1843). Phoebe Jachusetts Liberty Party), Mr. Garrison inquired: Once consecrated to the anti-slavery enterprise—where are Lib. 11.59. they? Stanton has retired from the field, and is said to be H. B. Stanton. aiming for a seat in Congress. Stanton—like Birney, who had gone to rusticate at Peterboroa, N. Y. (Lib. 12.127）—had prudently declined a secretaryship under Lewis Tappan's alias (Lib. 11: 47), and had betaken himself to the law (Ms. Mar. 14, 1841, N. P. Rogers to W. L. G.; Lib. 12: 127), of
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!—1844. (search)
y Party, and specifically (in this Presidential year) against its candidate, J. G. Birney, Lib. 14.19. as well as against Henry Clay, the predestined nominee of the head of the Liberty Party! The real head (or figure-head) of that party, J. G. Birney, having exposed Adams's erratic course on the subject of slavery, Leavitt exof cases, but there is no analogy between them. The fact is, that, though James G. Birney and a few others advocated the moral duty of voting, the question was nevespeak in behalf of the suffering and the dumb. Besides, the ground assumed by Birney and his abettors was, not simply that voting was an anti-slavery duty, but thatnd tendency! He is now completely absorbed in electioneering in behalf of James G. Birney and the Liberty Party, and has consequently gone backward since you left f a vote for Henry Clay was no obstacle to the same consummation, and a vote for Birney was virtually a vote for Polk. Everywhere at the North, Democratic legislators
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847. (search)
and. Mr. Garrison, however, has no recollection whatever of it (Ms.). While Mr. Garrison is overtaking his companion at Buffalo, we may pause to consider the state of the Liberty Party about to meet in that city, for the last time in its collective capacity. Rather it was a question whether the organization was not already done for. In the second week in June a Fourth Party had gone out from it, June 8-10, 1847. forming a Liberty League at Macedon Lock, N. Y., under the auspices of J. G. Birney, Gerrit Smith, William Lib. 17.106. Goodell, Beriah Green, William L. Chaplin, James C. Jackson, and others. Its twenty articles consisted of those extraneous topics which began to press for admittance as soon as the Third Party had been launched Ante, 2.435. on the nominal basis of immediate emancipation,—as, for example, free trade, direct taxation, abolition of the Government monopoly of carrying the mails, The hobby of Lysander Spooner, now—superseding Goodell (Lib. 17.170）—th
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
s us keep on striking. It was our agitation alone, continued Mr. Quincy, that kept the Third Party alive until it was merged in the Independent Democratic Party by the nomination of Mr. Hale. J. P. Hale. Hale had, very deliberately, accepted the Liberty Party's Lib. 18.17. nomination, declining to take the badge of its name, but consenting to its ends. Soon after, he gave the finishing stroke to the myth of sole heirship to immediate abolitionism so assiduously cherished by the Leavitt, Birney, and Stanton faction. Holding that faction's commission for the Presidency, he assured the U. S. Senate that we desire no interference with, nor disturbance of, the existing institutions of the States. . . . Let us alone—it is all that we desire, all that we ask. Lib. 18.30. Some weeks later he denied, in the same place, that he had ever counselled, advised, or aided in any way Lib. 18.70.—or ever would—any encroachment upon the Constitution, in any of its provisions or compromises. So t<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 12: Kossuth.—1852. (search)
the colonization mania in connection with the passage and execution of the Fugitive Slave Law is very significant. In this year 1852, Gov. Washington Hunt, in a message to the Legislature of New York, recommended liberal appropriations for the removal of the free blacks, as being a hindrance to Southern emancipation! (Lib. 22: 37, 38, 78, 139.) The Governor of Alabama followed suit (Lib. 22: 57). The Indiana Legislature actually voted a niggardly sum for the purpose (Lib. 22: 75). Even James G. Birney, despairing of the future of the free blacks, scandalized his old associates by issuing a pamphlet counselling expatriation (Lib. 22: 25, 38). At the annual meeting of the Mass. A. S. Society, in Faneuil Hall, on Jan. 31, Mr. Garrison felt it incumbent on him to make a set speech against colonization (Lib. 22: 30), and was subsequently urged by Wm. Henry Brisbane to prepare an address to the colored people, admonishing them not to be misled by specious arguments in favor of emigrating,