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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. (search)
sidential election, the law case came to, and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States ; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits ; and the latter answers : That is. A question for the Supreme Court. The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again ; did not announce their decision, but order
if it is meant to be said that the Republicans had formed an alliance going beyond that, by which there is contribution of money or sacrifice of principle on the one side or the other, so far as the Republican party is concerned; if there be any such thing, I protest that I neither know any thing of it, nor do I believe it. I will, however, say — as I think this branch of the argument is lugged in — I would before I leave it, state, for the benefit of those concerned, that one of those same Buchanan men did once tell me of an argument that he made for his opposition to Judge Douglas. He said that a friend of our Senator Douglas had been talking to him, and had among other things said to him : Why, you don't want to beat Douglas? Yes, said he, I do want to beat him, and I will tell you why. I believe his original Nebraska bill was right in the abstract, but it was wrong in the time that it was brought forward. It was wrong in the application to a Territory in regard to which the ques
e have not been in a controversy about the right of the people to govern themselves in the ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States and Territories. Mr. Buchanan, in one of his late messages (I think when he sent up the Lecompton Constitution), urged that the main points to which the public attention had been directed, proposition will be true and accurate. Nobody is opposing, or has opposed, the right of the people, when they form a Constitution, to form it for themselves. Mr. Buchanan and his friends have not done it ; they, too, as well as the Republicans and the Anti-Lecompton Democrats, have not done it ; but, on the contrary, they togethiple, but on a question of fact. The dispute was upon the question of fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution had been fairly formed by the people or not. Mr. Buchanan and his friends have not contended for the contrary principle any more than the Douglas men or the Republicans. They have insisted that whatever of small irre
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
and I will not object; but I did take objection to his second Springfield speech, in which he stated that he intended his first speech as a charge of corruption or conspiracy against the Supreme Court of the United States, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself. That gave the offensive character to the charge. He then said that when he made it he did not know whether it was true or not, but inasmuch as Judge Douglas had not denied it, although he had replied to the other parts of hisge of conspiracy between myself, Chief Justice Taney and the Supreme Court, and two Presidents of the United States, I will repel it. Mr. Lincoln has not character enough for integrity and truth, merely on his own ipse dixit, to arraign President Buchanan, President Pierce, and nine Judges of the Supreme Court, not one of whom would be complimented by being put on an equality with him. There is an unpardonable presumption in a man putting himself up before thousands of people, and pretending
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
udges of the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan and myself by that bill, and the decision of that charge is historically false as against President Buchanan? He knows that Mr. Buchanan was at that timeMr. Buchanan was at that time in England, representing this country with distinguished ability at the Court of St. James, that he was thereat fact proves his charge to be false as against Mr. Buchanan. Then again, I wish to call his attention to th Union, Mr. Lincoln says it was a charge against Mr. Buchanan. Suppose it was ; is Mr. Lincoln the peculiar defender of Mr. Buchanan? Is he so interested in the Federal Administration, and so bound to it, that he must at principle, and fighting whoever fights it. If Mr. Buchanan stands, as I doubt not he will, by the recommendge it now by alleging that I am trying to defend Mr. Buchanan against the charge? Not at all. Am I not makings, are: a witness on my side. I am not defending Buchanan, and I will will Judge Douglas that in my opinion,
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
ch guaranties to each and every State, old and new, the right to make just such Constitutions as they desire, and come into the Union with their own Constitution, and not one palmed upon them. Whenever you sanction the doctrine that Congress may crowd a Constitution down the throats of an unwilling people, against their consent, you will subvert the great fundamental principle upon which all our free institutions rest. In the future I have no fear that the attempt will ever be made. President Buchanan declared in his annual message, that hereafter the rule adopted in the Minnesota case, requiring a Constitution to be submitted to the people, should be followed in all future cases, and if he stands by that recommendation there will be no division in the Democratic party on that principle in the future. Hence, the great mission of the Democracy is to unite the fraternal feeling of the whole country, restore peace and quiet, by teaching each State to mind its own business, and regulat
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
. He has several times charged that the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself, at the time I introduced the Nebraska bill in January, 1854,and unscrupulous this charge against the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan and myself is. Lincoln says that President Buchanan was in the conspiracyPresident Buchanan was in the conspiracy at Washington in the winter of 1854, when the Nebraska bill was introduced. The history of this country shows that James Buchanan was at that time representing thisJames Buchanan was at that time representing this country at the Court of St. James, Great Britain, with distinguished ability and usefulness, that he bad not been in the United Slates for nearly a year previous, anrs after. Yet Mr. Lincoln keeps repeating this charge of conspiracy against Mr. Buchanan when the public records prove it to be untrue. Having proved it to be false as few as the Supreme Court and President. Buchanan are concerned, I drop it, leaving the public to say whether I, by myself, without their concurrence, could have
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
ated his charge of a conspiracy or combination between the National Democrats and Republicans. What evidence Judge Douglas has upon this subject I know not, inasmuch as he never favors us with any. I have said upon a former occasion, and I do not choose to suppress it now, that I have no objection to the division in the Judge's party. He got it up himself. It was all his and their work. He had, I think, a great deal more to do with the steps that led to the Lecompton Constitution than Mr. Buchanan had ; though at last, when they reached it, they quarreled over it, and their friends divided upon it. I am very free to confess to Judge Douglas that I have no objection to the division ; but I defy the Judge to show any evidence that I have in any way promoted that division, unless he insists on being a witness himself in merely saying so. I can give all fair friends of Judge Douglas here to understand exactly the view that Republicans take in regard to that division. Dont you remember
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
y, and his associates, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself, with having entered into a ustain the infamy of it. He also charged President Buchanan with having been a party to the conspirand where I stood in 1854, and in 1856, when Mr. Buchanan was elected President. It goes on to provehat class of politicians. I will read from Mr. Buchanan's better accepting the nomination of the Devention, for the Presidency. You know that Mr. Buchanan, after he was nominated, declared to the Ke in a public speech, that be wax no longer James Buchanan, but the embodiment of the Democratic platemocrat who stands on the platform on which Mr. Buchanan was nominated, and which he has explained aion as a State under it. It so happens that Mr. Buchanan is pledged to both these heresies, for suppse two heresies which I support-denounce President Buchanan when they denounce me, if he stands now convinces me that this is all untrue because Buchanan was not in the country at that time, and beca[5 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
I have. I have no personal difficulty with Mr. Buchanan or his cabinet. He chose to make certain r a voice to speak, or a vote to give. Yet, Mr. Buchanan cannot provoke me to abandon one iota of De exerting every nerve and every energy for James Buchanan, standing on the same platform then that Iexist in such Territory. Let me read what James Buchanan said on that point when he accepted the Der not, every fair-minded man will see that James Buchanan has answered the question and has assertedn that bill. It is the principle on which James Buchanan was made President. Without that principlge's remarks where he undertakes to involve Mr. Buchanan in an inconsistency. He reads something from Mr. Buchanan, from which he undertakes to involve him in an inconsistency; and he gets something f the Missouri Compromise. I want to know if Buchanan has not as much right to be inconsistent as Dike those of a State (I use the language of Mr. Buchanan in his letter of acceptance), have the righ