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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
he formation of such a character is difficult and rare. My sincere and devout wish is that the son of my beloved classmate may attain to such a character in the highest degree; that he may be adorned with every virtue; that he may rise to eminence in reputation, in goodness, and in usefulness. In a later letter, dated July 10, in which he approves Sumner's efforts for peace, Dr. Woods enjoins his young friend to peruse and re-peruse the best works on ethics and theology,—as those of Bishop Butler, Robert Hall, and Robert Boyle. Joshua R. Giddings in his first letter to Sumner, Dec. 13, 1846, wrote of the Phi Beta Kappa oration:— I feel constrained to express to you my thanks for that able production. It is calculated to make men better, to raise the standard of virtue, and to excite an exalted love of virtue. The approval of your own conscience, the respect of good men, and the blessings of Heaven will reward such efforts. William H. Seward wrote Dec. 16, 1846 (his
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
of delegates or conferees, from which proceeded the resolutions and nominations. Over this body Salmon P. Chase presided. The men marked as leaders were Chase, Giddings, and Samuel Lewis of Ohio; Adams of Massachusetts; and Preston King, Benjamin F. Butler, D. D. Field, and Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. Both the nominating body and the mass meeting were animated by a profound earnestness. A religious fervor pervaded the resolutions and addresses. The speakers asserted fundamental rights asession, at which prayers were offered for the freedom of all men, and passages of Scripture read which were appropriate to the movement. New York Tribune, September 6, 1848. The resolutions, which were prepared chiefly by Chase, assisted by Butler and Adams, while accepting constitutional limitations which excluded interference with slavery in the States, declared the duty of the national government to prohibit it by law in the national territories, and to relieve itself from all responsib
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
423, 436; vol. II. pp. 547, 562; Webster's Private Correspondence, vol. II. p. 370—; Curtis's, Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. In this new direction he did not stop with the territorial question, but joined the Southern party on another measure, hitherto a subordinate subject among their grievances, and volunteered his support of Mason's fugitive-slave bill, with all its provisions, to the fullest extent. As the speech was first published, he pledged himself to support the bill with Butler's amendment; but in a revision the relative pronoun which was transferred so that he appeared to pledge himself to support it only as amended by himself. The transfer of the relative pronoun led to a controversy in the newspapers,——--Boston Courier, May 6, 1850 Advertiser, May 7; Atlas, May 8 and 9; Moses Stuart's Conscience and the Constitution, p. 67. He intimated his purpose to offer some amendments which would qualify its harshness, and later proposed one securing to the alleged fugitiv<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
olst, vol. IV. p. 42.) It is worthy of note that the law forbidding the intermarriage of white and colored persons had been repealed, and the personal liberty law of 1843 had been passed during the Democratic administration of Marcus Morton. They were generally farmers and artisans, free from the influence of the mercantile interests then dominant in the Whig party. Their leaders at the time were Robert Rantoul, Jr., Frederick Robinson, Whiting Griswold, Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr., and Benjamin F. Butler,—all of whom in sentiment were in a greater or less degree favorable to the Free Soilers. the Free Soil State convention met October 3, in Boston, at the Washingtonian Hall on Bromfield Street, but requiring more room for the delegates adjourned at noon to the Beach Street Museum. Buckingham was the president, and Adams chairman of the committee on resolutions. Sumner attended as a delegate. Early in the session he read a letter from S. C. Phillips declining to be again the candida
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
ber,—one recently occupied by Jefferson Davis, who had resigned,—by the side of Chase, and in close proximity to the senators from Virginia and South Carolina. Butler's seat was immediately before Sumner's, and Mason's immediately behind Chase's. The line of division as to politics between the two sides of the chamber was not rthe free States who were averse to a discussion which had no serious purpose. Sumner wrote to Dana, Dec. 8, 1851: The Southerners are in high quarrel,— Foote and Butler at red-hot words. The scene was threatening. While they talk there is no opportunity for us; nor can I yet see my way to intervene in this debate. I do not feethis doctrine had the sanction of Webster in his Seventh of March speech, of the learned jurist Joel Parker, Professor at the Law School in Cambridge, and even of Butler of South Carolina. and the inconsistency of the Fugitive Slave Act with the Constitution, particularly in its denial of the right of trial by jury, and relieved t<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ans, even those who had been noted for antislavery professions, assumed the degrading obligations imposed at Baltimore. The New York Barnburners—W. C. Bryant, B. F. Butler, Mr. Butler is not to be confounded with another of the same name who had a political career in Massachusetts and in Congress. John Van Buren, S. J. Tilden,e action of the two conventions simplified the situation. Chase at once announced his opposition to the Democratic candidates, and made his unheeded appeal to B. F. Butler, of New York. The Free Soilers of Massachusetts met July 6 in mass meeting at Worcester, where they announced adherence to their organization, and their oppos George N. Briggs. Against this array of Whigs was an equally formidable list of Democrats and Free Soilers. Among the former were Banks, Boutwell, Hallett, B. F. Butler (since known as General Butler), W. Griswold, and J. G. Abbott; and among the latter were Wilson, Dana, Sumner, Burlingame, Charles Allen, Marcus Morton (two o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
8: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Grations from many of them, even from Badger and Butler. Butler in a speech, June 12, 1856, referreButler in a speech, June 12, 1856, referred to the compliments which he gave Sumner at the time. Soule sent Sumner congratulations from Madriolition confederates in the Senate. Mason and Butler upbraided the remonstrants for usurping spirither behind him, His friendly relations with Butler appear in the debates on the Nebraska bill, Feuce a fellow-man to bondage. I answered him. Butler resumed: Then you would not obey the Constitutable senator from South Carolina. Parts of Butler's speech justify the impression that he was of pressed to the service of dogs. He denied Butler's right to ejaculate a lecture at Massachusett I cannot say. After Sumner finished, Clay, Butler, and Pettit bandied again their familiar epithwith them. It is atrocious that Pettit, Clay, Butler, and the others were not called to order; but [10 more...
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
s assumption as to the significance of the elections. Benjamin and Bayard spoke for the South. Butler betrayed the frequency with which he had partaken of his usual refreshment. He was called to orFish and Hamlin were still silent. Sumner had in this vote a new ally in his colleague, Wilson. Butler could not refrain from renewing to Sumner his old questions about constitutional obligations, an know half his time what he was about. As Sumner was scrupulously correct in his habits, and as Butler often and at the very time appeared to have been drinking to excess, the remark provoked generald a few days later, just at the close of the session, which shows that Sumner had the respect of Butler, although they were no longer on speaking terms. An amendment to the appropriation bill was und Sumner spoke briefly in favor of the grant, and vouched for the qualifications of the editor. Butler thought the gentleman from Massachusetts a good indorser, and his authority as to the competency
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
h drew spirited retorts from Wilson and Hale. Butler came thus early (February 25 and March 5) intoto appear as his open compurgator. This was Butler, who on several occasions came to the defence again upon the senator from South Carolina [Mr. Butler], who, omnipresent in this debate, overflowso slow this clearly. Sumner's references to Butler on the second day were brief, and have been al went so far as even at this time to recognize Butler's generous impulses; Works, vol. IV. pp. 2vol. IV. p. 286. and he made no imputation on Butler's private life, or referred to any characterismbers the day before the assault, that when Judge Butler came back he would resent it [the speech]; not, as afterwards emphasized, any slander on Butler, who was not even mentioned in the interviews; by a brutal, murderous, and cowardly assault— Butler, interrupting him from his seat, said, You areinety-six, with speeches from himself, Toombs, Butler, and Governor Adams. Brooks spoke of himself [57 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
rty on account of its course on the Lecompton question. Works, vol. v. pp. 188, 189. The coming Presidential election now absorbed the public mind, and was the ever-recurring topic of debate in Congress. The Democratic national convention, meeting in Charleston, S. C., in April, adjourned, after a session marked by tumult and passion, to meet at Baltimore in June, where it nominated Douglas as President, after the withdrawal of Southern delegations, and of Northern delegates like B. F. Butler and Caleb Cushing, both of Massachusetts, who were in sympathy with them. In the Charleston convention Butler voted for Jefferson Davis for President, and was the Breckinridge candidate for governor of Massachusetts, in the autumn. These seceders, who, disciples of Calhoun, (lid not think Douglas Southern and pro-slavery enough in his position, put John C. Breckinridge (afterwards a general in the Confederate army) in nomination. In May, a remnant of conservative Whigs, known as the C