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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 6: Affairs at the National Capital.--War commenced in Charleston harbor. (search)
in Congress, said:--Mr. Lincoln will not dare to come to Washington after the expiration of the term of Mr. Buchanan. This city will be seized and occupied as the capital of the Southern Confederacy, and Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to take his oath of office in Philadelphia or in New York. Correspondence (Occasional) of the Philadelphia Press, December 21, 1860. In the same letter, which was a trumpet-call to the country to arouse it to a sense of its danger and to act, the writer (J. W. Forney) said:--The Administration of the Government is in the hands of the enemies of the country. The President of the United States has ceased to be the Chief Magistrate of a free people, and may be called the chief of those who are seeking to enslave a free people. He is quoted by the secessionists, if not as their active, at least as their quiescent ally l He refuses to exercise his functions, and to enforce the laws l He refuses to protect the public property, and to re-enforce the gallan
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 9. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 72 (search)
Doc. 11.-the relief of Fort Sumter. Captain Fox's letter. in the Senate of the United States, March 3, 1865. Resolved, That the letter to the Secretary of the Navy, from the Assistant Secretary, should not have been communicated in answer to the Senate resolution of February third, 1865, and that the Secretary of the Senate be directed to return the same to the Secretary of the Navy. Attest: J. W. Forney, Secretary. Navy Department, February 24, 1865. Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy: sir: As part of your reply to the resolution of the Senate, of February third, 1865, in response to the allegations of the Hon. John P. Hale against me, in advocating said resolution, I beg leave to submit the following statements: As respects the charge that I gave instructions to inquire into the conduct or business transactions of any member of either House of Congress, I have to say, that there is not the slightest foundation for it. In obedience to your orders, t
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eleventh: his death, and public honors to his memory. (search)
ng, and he began to lose strength rapidly. About six o'clock, Mr. Wormley, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Pierce, and other friends arrived, and it was at once decided to have a consultation of physicians. Surgeon-General Barnes, Dr. Lincoln, and Dr. W. P. Johnson were summoned, and were soon in attendance. The result of the consultation was the opinion that Mr. Sumner could scarcely survive. At the Senator's request, Mr. Wormley telegraphed to New York for Dr. Brown-Sequard, to Philadelphia for Colonel J. W. Forney, and other intimate personal friends. Those around his bedside are of the opinion that, at this time, Mr. Sumner filly realized the dangerous character of his condition. Everything was done by the physicians and those in attendance to procure relief, but all to no purpose. The frequent injection of morphine seemed to relieve, in some degree, the pain, while the administering of stimulants arrested, for a time, the failing strength. It was now manifest to all that the death of the
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., I. (search)
ng, and he began to lose strength rapidly. About six o'clock, Mr. Wormley, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Pierce, and other friends arrived, and it was at once decided to have a consultation of physicians. Surgeon-General Barnes, Dr. Lincoln, and Dr. W. P. Johnson were summoned, and were soon in attendance. The result of the consultation was the opinion that Mr. Sumner could scarcely survive. At the Senator's request, Mr. Wormley telegraphed to New York for Dr. Brown-Sequard, to Philadelphia for Colonel J. W. Forney, and other intimate personal friends. Those around his bedside are of the opinion that, at this time, Mr. Sumner filly realized the dangerous character of his condition. Everything was done by the physicians and those in attendance to procure relief, but all to no purpose. The frequent injection of morphine seemed to relieve, in some degree, the pain, while the administering of stimulants arrested, for a time, the failing strength. It was now manifest to all that the death of the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
rooms while he was in the Senate were more sought than those of any member of either house. Among the visitors were writers for public journals, friends from Massachusetts, politicians from all parts of the country, survivors of the old antislavery guard, and distinguished foreigners. They often came late in the evening and staved long; and his only way of dismissing them was, when he was on familiar terms with his caller, to turn to the unfinished work on his desk. For a busy man, wrote Forney, he was the most accessible I ever knew. How he could accomplish all his tasks, and yet give so much time to miscellaneous visitors, was something of a mystery. It was, however, his midnight vigils which brought up the arrears. The newspaper men were generally very friendly to him. He held tightly the secrets of the Senate notwithstanding he had no respect for the system of closed doors; but as far as consistent with a senator's oath, he talked freely and instructively to all who came to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
onal Memoirs, in the New York Nation, Feb. 25 and July 1, 1886. Colonel Forney also, being invited by Babcock to make a statement, wrote that Philadelphia Press, Oct. 3, 1877; New York Herald, Oct. 5, 1877. Forney in this second statement gives Sumner's answer to the President as l do all I can rightly and consistently to aid you. This report of Forney does not differ substantially from Sumner's, though naturally the ronly heard them casually without being a party to the conversation. Forney, as appears from his own report, drew at first a hasty inference whhe sea. Its leader, Dec. 23, 1870, gave him the same prominence. Mr. Forney, recently clerk of the Senate and editor of republican journals ie treaty, devoted to the President but not friendly to Sumner —told Forney that the speech was magnificent The main points of the speech as gi of Massachusetts as a blow not only at him, but at Mr. Sumner. Forney had anticipated that Sumner would be held responsible for the rejec
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
e influence on the Cincinnati convention, enlarged its constituency, given a sober turn to its deliberations, and placed a different candidate than Greeley—perhaps the senator himself—at the head of the movement. Springfield Republican, June 1, 1872; March 12, 1874. Sumner's personal friends, who supported the President's re-election,—as the greater number of his friends did,—credited him with rectitude of intention, and mitigated as far as they could the political resentment against him. Forney in his newspaper made an earnest but kindly protest against his decision. Philadelphia Press, June 2. 1872; Washington Sunday Chronicle, June 3. Curtis wrote to the senator that he should be compelled to reply to a speech which he deemed terribly unjust to the President, but should do justice to its author's sincerity, and be ever grateful for his services, entertaining the same sincere affection as before. Lydia Maria Child saw much of justice in his strictures on the President, but d
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873—March 11, 1874. (search)
c service, that assured immortality. The country was startled by the intelligence. In the cities on Wednesday frequent bulletins made known the senator's condition. Merchants paused in the rush of traffic to contemplate the impending event. No death, except that of Lincoln,—it was a common remark at the time,—had for a long period so touched the popular heart. For days and weeks the press teemed with narratives of his life and delineations of his character. The Washington Chronicle (Forney's journal) recorded the titles, Honored statesman, true patriot, generous friend; J. W. Forney, in his Sunday Chronicle, March 15, paid two tributes to the senator. The New York Tribune published leaders upon him March 12 and 16, and April 30. and recurring to the theme on the day of the funeral, said: He was no master in the arts of the cunning demagogue. He never for himself asked the vote of a single person or solicited an office. The New York Tribune began its leader with the sente
The Daily Dispatch: February 28, 1865., [Electronic resource], Proclamation by the President, appointing a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, with thanksgiving. (search)
holding conquered territory but there are no other ways of healing the wounds left by civil war. Miscellaneous. "Leading Peace Democrats" say that the object of Singleton and Hughes in coming to Richmond is to impress upon the rebel leaders the folly of protracting a hopeless contest, when, by submission to the authority of the United States, they might obtain peace on honorable terms. A Washington telegram says: "Roger A. Pryor arrived here to-day, and, in company with Colonel J. W. Forney, visited the President to-night." Andrew Jackson Donelson publishes a card in the Memphis Argus, defining his position on the questions of the day, and denying the statements of Northern papers regarding his political status. Over seven hundred permits to bring cotton into our lines were granted at Memphis for the week ending the 18th, and one hundred and ninety-one for taking out supplies. Cotton permits cover fifty-one thousand nine hundred and forty-one bales and sixty-f