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n, could rob Florida or Louisiana of her right to remodel her Government whenever the people found it would be for their happiness. So far, right. the people — mark you! South Carolina presents herself to the Administration at Washington, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes but. constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. (Renewed cheers.) He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina,: but the North could; the nation could; and the nation responded, If you want a Constitutional Secession, such as you claim, but which I repudiate, I will waive forms — let us meet in convention, and we will arrange it. (Applause.) Surely, while one claims a right within the Constitu
ngton in the 71st Regiment. [Loud cheers]. The resolutions were adopted amid loud cheers. Subscription papers were at once circulated in the audience, during which the President announced the following gentlemen as the Executive Committee: Hon. John W. Edmonds, Hon. Joseph S. Bosworth, Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, Henry Nicoll, Wm. Fullerton, Luther R. Marsh, Wm. Allen Butler Hon. Wm. H. Leonard, Hon. Henry Hilton, Daniel Lord, Dorman P. Eaton, Richard O'Gorman Alex. Hamilton, Jr., Gilbert Dean, John T. C. Smidt. The work of receiving subscriptions then commenced in good earnest — the first sums subscribed being $500, and even these were increased in the latter part of the meeting, when the effort was made to bring the aggregate up to a stated amount. The sums subscribed made an aggregate of over $25,000. Throughout, the proceedings were characterized by the most noble feelings of patriotism; and many pleasant episodes occurred, a few of which are
on from the American palladium itself of the Montgomery Constitution in place of the one devised by Washington, Madison, Hamilton, and Jay — a constitution in which slavery should be the universal law of the land, the corner-stone of the political eds none the less true that such a proceeding would have stamped the members of the convention — Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, and their colleagues — with utter incompetence; for nothing can be historically more certain than that their object waslid basis of the consent of the people. Certainly, the most venerated expounders of the Constitution — Jay, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, Story, Webster — were of opinion that the intention of the convention to establish a permanent, consolidated Govees of our political organization, should fly in the face of our history, should trample under foot the teachings of Jay, Hamilton, Washington, Marshall, Madison, Dane, Kent, Story, and Webster, and, accepting only the dogmas of Mr. Calhoun as infa
front, the banks of the stream being fortified in convenient places. I need not remind you of the battle of White Plains on the 28th October, 1776, where Alexander Hamilton distinguished himself as a captain of artillery, nor of the heights of Newcastle to which Washington repaired after the battle. At Bedford, where we hold oanother confederacy which Davis, and Keitt, and Floyd, and Toombs, are striving to establish on the ruins of the republic erected by Washington and Franklin, and Hamilton and Jefferson, and the one great plea with which this new power seeks to recommend itself to the Christian world is, the assumption that the white man was born tho, sacrificing political ambition and personal preferences, had consented to preside over a depleted treasury, renewed the miracle attributed by Webster to Alexander Hamilton: He smote the rock of the national resources, and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth. He touched the dead body of the public credit, and it sprang up
eigners claiming hospitality now, which will not glance at once upon the distinguished living and the illustrious dead; upon the Irish Montgomery, who perished for us at the gates of Quebec; upon Pulaski the Pole, who perished for us at Savannah; upon De Kalb and Steuben, the generous Germans, who aided our weakness by their military experience; upon Paul Jones the Scotchman, who lent his unsurpassed courage to the infant thunders of our navy; also upon those great European liberators, Kosciusko of Poland, and Lafayette of France, each of whom paid his earliest vows to liberty in our cause. Nor should this list be confined to military characters, so long as we gratefully cherish the name of Alexander Hamilton, who was born in the West Indies, and the name of Albert Gallatin, who was born in Switzerland, and never, to the close of his octogenarian career, lost the French accent of his boyhood,--both of whom rendered civic services which may be commemorated among the victories of peace.
e Governor; for Sergeant Stephen A. Swailes was commissioned second lieutenant of the Fifty-fourth Regiment, March 11, 1864, and subsequently was commissioned first lieutenant, April 28, 1865; and was discharged with the regiment, August 20, 1865, when the regiment was mustered out of service, at the end of the war. This officer belonged in Elmira, N. Y. Among the many gentlemen living in other States, who entertained for Governor Andrew a high respect, was James A. Hamilton, son of Alexander Hamilton, the friend and confidant of Washington, who was living at Dobbs' Ferry, N. Y. On the 16th of December, Governor Andrew wrote to this gentleman,— I received your most valued letter of the 10th inst. yesterday, and read it carefully last evening, and am glad to have the opportunity, not only of hearing from you, but of renewing my grateful acknowledgments of your zealous patriotism, and your always suggestive and instructive counsels. I heartily concur with your estimate of the i
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, C. P. Cranch. (search)
so broad and fair, Not in the regions of boundless Air, Not in the Fire's burning sphere- 'Tis not here-'tis not there: Ye may seek it everywhere. He that is a dwarf in spirit Never shall the isle inherit. Hearts that grow 'mid daily cares Come to greatness unawares; Noble souls alone may know How the giants live and grow. This is an allegory, but of very general application; and it has more especially a political application. Cranch may have intended it to illustrate the life of Alexander Hamilton. Cranch was not a giant himself, but he knew how to distinguish true greatness from the spurious commodity. Emerson considered his varied accomplishments his worst enemy; but that depends on how you choose to look at it. It is probable enough that if Cranch had followed out a single pursuit to its perfection, and if he had not lived so many years in Europe, he would have been a more celebrated man; but Cranch did not care for celebrity. He was content to live and to let live. Me
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Doctor Holmes. (search)
ry good likeness, and I have no doubt you will make an excellent doctor. After Holyoke had explained his business Doctor Holmes finally said: I liked your grandfather, and shall always be glad to see you here. Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., was class poet of 1861, an honor which pleased his father very much. Immediately after graduating he went to the war, and came near losing his life at the battle of Antietam. A rifle-ball passed through both lungs, and narrowly missed his heart. Alexander Hamilton died of exactly such a wound in seven hours; and yet in three days Captain Holmes was able to write to his father. The Doctor started at once for the seat of war, and met with quite a series of small adventures which he afterwards described in a felicitous article in the Atlantic, called My Hunt after the Captain. His friend, Dr. Henry P. Bowditch, lost his son in the same battle, and when they met at the railway depot Holmes said: I would give my house to have your fortune like mine
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Sumner. (search)
1862, and he deserved to have it; but Sumner thought it might safely have been done after the battles of Fort Donaldson and Shiloh, and the victories of Foote and Farragut on the Mississippi, six months before it was issued; and he urged to have it done at that time. Whether his judgment was correct in this, it is impossible to decide. Early in July, 1862, he introduced a bill in the Senate for the organization of the contrabands and other negroes into regiments,--a policy suggested by Hamilton in 1780,--and no one can read President Lincoln's Message to Congress in December, 1864, without recognizing that it was only with the assistance of negro troops that the Union was finally preserved. In spite of the continued differences between Sumner and Seward on American questions they worked together like one man in regard to foreign politics. Sumner's experience in Europe and his knowledge of public men there was much more extensive than Seward's, and in this line he was of invalu
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 4: the hour and the man. (search)
In such circumstances a fresh outbreak of old animosities must occur as soon as the subterranean heat should reach the point of highest combustibility in the federal system. The tariff proved to be that point of highest combustibility. Alexander Hamilton inaugurated the policy of giving governmental aid to infant manufactures. The wisdom of diversifying the industries of the young nation was acquiesced in by the leading statesmen of both sections. Beset as the republic then was by internand with its arrival the Man to hail it had also come. Other men had spoken and written against slavery, and labored for the freedom of the slave before Garrison had thought upon the subject at all. Washington and Jefferson, Franklin, Jay, and Hamilton had been Abolitionists before he was born, but theirs was a divided interest. The establishment of a more perfect union was the paramount object of their lives. John Wesley had denounced slavery in language quite as harsh as Garrison's, but hi