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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 98 4 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 90 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 88 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 70 2 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 61 3 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 57 1 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 30 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 18 2 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 6 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 6 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Claiborne F. Jackson or search for Claiborne F. Jackson in all documents.

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d by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convention that neither the election of Mr. Lincoln nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave law, nor both combined, constitute their grievances. They declare that the real cause of their discontent dates as far back as 1883. Maryland and every other State in the Union, with a united voice, then declared the cause insufficient to justify the course of South Carolina. Can it be that this people, who then unanimously supported the cause of Gen. Jackson, will now yield their opinions at the bidding of modern secessionists? I have been told that the position of Maryland should be defined so that both sections can understand it. Do any really understand her position? Who that wishes to understand it can fail to do so? If the action of the Legislature would be simply to declare that Maryland is with the South in sympathy and feeling; that she demands from the North the repeal of offensive, unconstitutional statutes, and appeals to it for
upon the basis that the States are sovereign. The time has been, and I hope the time will come again, when a better appreciation of our Union will prevent any one denying that each State is a sovereign in its own right. Therefore, I say I concur in the act of my State, and feel bound by it. It is by this confounding of nullification and secession that the name of another great man has been invoked to justify the coercion of a seceding State. The phrase to execute the law, as used by General Jackson, was applied to a State refusing to obey the laws and still remaining in the Union. I remember well when Massachusetts was arraigned before the Senate. The record of that occasion will show that I said, if Massachusetts, in pursuing the line of steps, takes the last step which separates her from the Union, the right is hers, and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her, but I will say to her, God speed! Mr. Davis then proceeded to argue that the equality spoken of in
American people have been taken by surprise, both by the suddenness and violence of the outcry for secession, and by the ready concessions of the President. From the day the message appeared it was evident that South Carolina no longer formed part of the Union. The State had, by every organ which it possessed — by its Senators, its Representatives, by the voice of the Press, of the great slaveowners, and of the multitude — declared its resolution to secede. Only courage like that of General Jackson could have quelled the Gamecock State, as we perceive some of its admirers call it. But there was a middle path between civil war and such an instant recognition as Mr. Buchanan thought advisable. As one charged with the duty of upholding the Federal power, he might have easily used the authority vested in him to delay the movement, and give the Union and South Carolina itself time for reflection. Mr. Cass would, probably, deprecate holding a State by force, but he still declined to r
open air. Mr. Stephens said he would leave it to the audience whether he should proceed in-doors or out. There was a general cry of in-doors, as the ladies, a large number of whom were present, could not hear outside. Mr. Stephens said that the accommodation of the ladies would determine the question, and he would proceed where he was. At this point the uproar and clamor outside, was greater still for the speaker to go out on the steps. This was quieted by Col. Lawton, Col. Foreman, Judge Jackson and Mr. J. W. Owens going out and stating the facts of the case to the dense mass of men, women, and children who were outside, and entertaining them in short, brief speeches. Mr. Stephens all this while quietly sitting down until the furore subsided.] Mr. Stephens rose, and said, When perfect quiet is restored I shall proceed; I cannot speak as long as there is any noise or confusion. I shall take my time; I feel as though I could spend the night with you, if necessary. [Loud ap
allegiance to the Union as second only to our religion in the sanctity of its obligations; and we have venerated the national standard, under which Washington and Jackson and the host of gallant men who were their companions in arms, or who followed in their footsteps, achieved undying honors for themselves and their country. (Ents contest with all my power and with all my might. (Loud cheers.) My friends, the greatest man next to Washington, that this country has ever produced — Andrew. Jackson — has said that the Union must and shall be preserved --(cheers)--and in that connection he has said, and it is directly pertinent to the present contest, the Uniturn no more; and if they fall, theirs will be the proud Lacedemonian's epitaph, They died in the defence of their country and its laws. It is said that when General Jackson came to die, he told his spiritual adviser that there was one sin of omission that lay heavily on his soul. What is it?? softly inquired the devoted ministe
ho could throw an overpowering force upon them at any moment. Captain Stokes represented that every hour's delay was rendering the capture of the arsenal more certain, and the arms must be moved to Illinois now or never. Major Callender agreed with him, and told him to take them at his own time and in his own way. This was Wednesday night, 24th April. Capt. Stokes had a spy in the camp, whom he met at intervals in a certain place in the city. On Thursday he received information that Gov. Jackson had ordered two thousand armed men down from Jefferson city, whose movements could only contemplate a seizure of the arsenal, by occupying the heights around it, and planting batteries thereon. The job would have been an easy one. They had already planted one battery on the St. Louis levee, and another at Powder Point, a short distance below the arsenal. Capt. Stokes immediately telegraphed to Alton to have the steamer City of Alton drop down to the arsenal landing about midnight. He
blood. The manner in which it was successfully done is briefly as follows: A bearer of dispatches arrived from Washington during the day, bringing the orders we had so long anxiously looked for, and as soon as it became dark we began work with a good will, and in earnest. At first the marines from the frigate Sabine and the sloop St. Louis came on board our vessel, and immediately after the accomplishment of this, the anchor was hoisted by the jolly old salts with the merry chant of--General Jackson won the day Heave, yea ho! At New Orleans, the people say; Yeo, Leave yeo! We ran as close to the shore as possible for us to do, came to anchor, and without a moment's delay, lowered the boats and filled them with troops. At 11 o'clock, Lieut. Albert N. Smith, of Massachusetts, being in command, they started on their mission, not knowing whether they were facing eternity, or whether they would live to see the light of another day. As they left the side of the vessel, many a May
Abbott, 2d Lieutenant. Company K, W. Castner, Captain; S. Roff, 1st Lieutenant; G. M. Stelle, 2d Lieutenant. Non-commissioned staff-officers, J. Anderson, Serjeant-Major; T. C. Stryker, Quartermaster-Sergeant. Fourth Regiment.--Staff: Col., Miller; Lieut.-Col., Straub; Quartermaster, Linton; Paymaster, Davis; Adjutant, Hatch; Surgeon, Woolston; Assistant Surgeon, Satterthwaith. Company A. Cook Rifles, Captain Perine, Bordentown. Company B, Captain Gale. Company C, Stockton Cadets, Captain Jackson; Company D, Gloucester Guard, Capt. Stratford. Company E, Camden Artillery, Capt. Mickle. Company F, (flag company,) Camden Zouaves, Captain Hunt. Company G, Cook Rifles, Captain Cunningham. Company H, Anderson Guards, Captain Lear. Company I, Johnson Guards, Salem, Captain Dinneghson. Company K, Marion Rifles, Captain Burling. The whole brigade, with its four pieces of artillery, arrived at Annapolis on Sunday, May 5th, in twenty-eight hours from Trenton, and proceeded direct for Wa
etermine. As to the other matter, I think we have a right to pass retaliatory measures, provided they be in accordance with the Constitution of the United States, and I think they can be made such. But whether it would be wise for this Legislature to do this now is the question. To the convention, in my judgment, this matter ought to be referred. Before we commit reprisals on New England we should exhaust every means of bringing about a peaceful solution of the question. Thus did Gen. Jackson in the case of the French. He did not recommend reprisals until he had treated with France, and got her to promise to make indemnification, and it was only on her refusal to pay the money which she had promised that he recommended reprisals. It was after negotiation had failed. I do think, therefore, that it would be best, before going to extreme measures with our confederate States, to make presentation of our demands, to appeal to their reason and judgment to give us our rights. The
sion of those liberties which the Government has a right to protect, and they intend to bring their whole power to subjugate you if possible to the military despotism which has assumed the powers of the Federal Government. Now, therefore, I, C. F. Jackson, Governor of Missouri, do, in view of the foregoing facts and by virtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution and laws of this commonwealth, issue this, my proclamation, calling the militia of the State, to the number of 50,000, into tever to obey the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which has introduced itself at Washington, nor submit to the infamous and degrading sway of its wicked minions in this State. No brave hearted Missourian will obey the one or submit to the other. Arise, then, and drive out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes. Claiborne F. Jackson. --Rochester (N. Y.) Union, June 14.
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