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Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Chapter XXII: Operations in Kentucky, Tennessee, North Mississippi, North Alabama, and Southwest Virginia. March 4-June 10, 1862., Part II: Correspondence, Orders, and Returns. (ed. Lieut. Col. Robert N. Scott), Confederate correspondence, Etc. (search)
manding the militia made return to me of 89 men who had volunteered under Captain Killinger, and Captain Killinger writes me that he and his men prefer to come to thCaptain Killinger writes me that he and his men prefer to come to this, if permitted. I inclose copy of an order issued by me to the colonels commanding militia regiments in Washington County to put a stop and apply a partial corr company, from Buchanan and McDowell (now numbering about 60 men); and, 10th, Killinger's company, from Smyth. The object of my visit to Lee was to try to raise a company to take Killinger's place, so as to let him go into McMahon's regiment. You see how nearly I had accomplished the work without interfering with recruits erly provided for while we remained near a depot. I found that they required Killinger's company from Smyth and wanted Cornutt's from Grayson to make out the regimed, Dunn's; fourth, McDaniel's; fifth, Blessing's; sixth, Buchanan's; seventh, Killinger's. These are all from my counties, and all raised since the Governor's procla
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to participate in the formation of the Constitution, or in the enactment of laws, for said Territory or State. This Council proceeded to condemn the National Administration among other things, for reopening sectional agitation by the repeal of the Missouri compromise. This was not satisfactory to the anti-Nebraska members of the nominating Convention; on whose behalf, Mr. Killinger, of Pennsylvania, proposed the following: Resolved, That the National Council has no authority to prescribe a Platform of principles for this Nominating Convention; and that we will nominate for President and Vice-President no men who are not in favor of interdicting the introduction of Slavery into territory north of 36° 30′ by Congressional action. This resolve was laid on the table, by 141 votes to 59. The anti-Nebraska delegates, to the number of about fifty, thereupon withd
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Analytical Index. (search)
eply, 611; Magoffin's Message, 612; loyal resolves of the Legislature; Gen. Grant occupies Paducah, 612; Gens. Polk and Zollicoffer invade the State, 613; ex-Gov. Morehead arrested; Zollicoffer captures Barboursville, 614; Breckinridge's Address, 615; Gen. Sherman succeeds Anderson, 615; the affairs at Wild-Cat and Piketon, 616; Schoepf's retreat; proceedings of the Secession Convention at Russellville, 617. Kentucky Yeoman, The, on fugitive slaves, 217. kidnapping, cases of, 217. Killinger, Mr., in American Convention. 247. King, Rufus, remarks in Convention, 42. King, Thomas Butler, goes to California, 201. King, Wm. R., Minister to Paris; is instructed by Calhoun as to Annexation, 169; denounces Clay's Compromise, 205; nominated for Vice-President, 222. Kingwood, Va., Union meeting at, 518. Knights of the Golden circle, their influence at the South, 350; do. in Kentucky, 493. Krum, John M., Mayor of Alton, 141. L. Lafayette, letter from Washington to
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., chapter 12 (search)
and the confiscation bill was passed — Yeas 82; Nays 63. The Emancipation bill was next taken up; when, after rejecting several amendments, the vote was taken on its passage, and it was defeated: Yeas 74 (all Republicans); Nays 78--fifteen members elected as Republicans voting Nay, with all the Democrats and all the Border-State men. The Republicans voting Nay were Messrs. Dawes and Delano, of Mass., Diven, of N. Y., Dunn, of Ind., Fisher, of Del., Horton, of Ohio, Wm. Kellogg, of Ill., Killinger, of Pa., Mitchell, of Ind., Nixon, of N. J., Norton, of Ill., Porter, of Ind., A. H. Rice, of Mass., Stratton, of N. J., and Train, of Mass. Mr. Porter, of Ind., now moved May 27. a reconsideration; which narrowly escaped defeat, on a motion by Mr. Holman that it do lie on the table: Yeas 69; Nays 73. The reconsideration prevailed: Yeas 84; Nays 64: and the bill was recommitted, with instructions to report a substitute already proposed by Mr. P., which prevailed — Yeas 84; Nays 66:
The Daily Dispatch: February 7, 1861., [Electronic resource], The National crisis. (search)
is a generous city, but I do not know whether this calling on me for a speech be any evidence of the fact; for they ask me to speak before I have half finished my supper. Only the other day, after making, in the Senate, a speech which I honestly believed the crisis and the country demanded, I was declared a rebel to my party. But I find that I am not the only rebel. John Sherman is a rebel, too, judged by the same rule of construction; so is my friend, Judge Hale; so is my young friend Killinger, who made, to-night, a conservative speech in the House; so is my friend Mr. Curtis, of Iowa; and it seems we all have to be read out of the party. These are clear indications, evident that the love of the country is above all considerations of party. [Cheers.] We have reached a crisis that no one anticipated. This is no time for party. It is a question of country. Everybody is anxious and desirous to do something, but no one knows what will do good. It is the rebels at the South who
The Daily Dispatch: April 19, 1862., [Electronic resource], Federal Congress. (search)
uff, and Wright. Nays--Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Blair (Mo.), Blair (Pa.), Blake, Browne (R. I.), Buffington, Campbell, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Covode, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Diven, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Fenton, Fessenden, Fisher, Franchor, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Granger, Gurley, Haight, Hall, Hanchett, Harrison, Hooper, Horton, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Kellogg, (Mich.,) Killinger, Lansing, Lehman, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Morehead, Morrill (Me.,) Morrill (Vt.,) Nixon, Odell, Olin, Patton, Phelps (Cal.,) Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, Potter, Rice (Mass.,) Rice (Me.,) Riddle, Rollins (N. H.,) Sargeant, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Stration, Thomas (Mass.,) Train Trowbridge, Vanhorn, Van-Valkenburg, Verr Wallace, Walton (Vt.,) Wheeler, White (ind.,) Wilson, and Windom. Mr. Roscoe Conkling, of N. Y., moved to reconsi
The Daily Dispatch: June 3, 1862., [Electronic resource], House of Representatives. (search)
tion, to say these bills are designed to punish treason. They are designed for no such purpose, but to the poster of the enemy to bring about a speedy and permanent peace. They proposed to take from the enemy the instruments of war, without which they could not carry on the rebels on six months longer. Mr. Noell, (rep.,) of Mo., wished to make a few remarks. Mr. Elliot--That gentleman being a member of the select committee who reported the bill — yielded the floor; but. Mr. Killinger, (rep.,) of Pa., objected to further debate, inasmuch as he was compelled to print his remarks, and had no opportunity to deliver them. Debate here was useless; but our people at home had a right to understand our position on these great questions. His speech would advocate confiscation as a measure of indemnity for the past, and as military necessity for the future.--He was against the passage of an abolition enactment. Let slavery take care of itself.--While be stood on the Lincoln