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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 70 4 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore) 66 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 52 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 52 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 31 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 28 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 26 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2. 24 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 20, 1861., [Electronic resource] 22 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for James M. Mason or search for James M. Mason in all documents.

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ple in new forms of injustice. Xlv. An angry personal debate followed, in which Mr. Butler of South Carolina, and Mr. Mason of Virginia, directed against Mr. Sumner their most violent and insulting attacks, as well as against the State he reprdeserves reply. Certainly not the hard words they used so readily and congenially. The veteran Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason] complained that I had characterized one of his constituents—a person who went all the way from Virginia to Boston in p the President, to inquire into the assault and to report the facts, together with their opinion thereon. On motion of Mr. Mason, the resolution was so amended as to provide that the committee should be chosen by the Senate; and Pearce of Maryland,r act, done at the proper time and in the proper place. Nor were leading statesmen less explicit in their approval. Mr. Mason, in reply to an invitation to attend a public dinner in honor of Mr. Brooks, after referring to his social and politica
Xlv. An angry personal debate followed, in which Mr. Butler of South Carolina, and Mr. Mason of Virginia, directed against Mr. Sumner their most violent and insulting attacks, as well as against the State he represented. His reply to Assailants, as the speech was afterwards known, was a withering satire, which could be answered only by scurrilous abuse; his facts were impregnable. I think, sir, that I am not the only person on this floor, who, in lately listening to these two self-confesolve, they expect a vain thing. There was, perhaps, little that fell from these two champions, as the fit was on, which deserves reply. Certainly not the hard words they used so readily and congenially. The veteran Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason] complained that I had characterized one of his constituents—a person who went all the way from Virginia to Boston in pursuit of a slave—as a Slave-hunter. Sir, I choose to call things by their right names. White I call white, and black I cal
to older Senators, whose character, whose position in this body and before the country, eminently fit them for the task of devising measures to redress the wrongs of a member of this body and to vindicate the honor and dignity of the Senate. As no Democratic Senator proposed any action, Mr. Seward offered a resolution for a committee of five members, to be appointed by the President, to inquire into the assault and to report the facts, together with their opinion thereon. On motion of Mr. Mason, the resolution was so amended as to provide that the committee should be chosen by the Senate; and Pearce of Maryland, Cass of Michigan, Dodge of Wisconsin, Allen of Rhode Island and Geyer of Missouri, were selected. The committee was chosen wholly from the Democratic party, and contained no one friendly to Mr. Sumner. The same day, Lewis D. Campbell introduced a resolution into the House of Representatives reciting the particulars of the assault, and proposing a select committee of fiv
he Senate, * * * whose example should be followed by every Southern gentleman whose feelings are outraged by unprincipled Abolitionists. The Richmond Enquirer, some weeks after the assault, said: In the main, the press of the South applaud the conduct of Mr. Brooks, without condition or limitation. Our approbation, at least, is entire and unreserved. * * * It was a proper act, done at the proper time and in the proper place. Nor were leading statesmen less explicit in their approval. Mr. Mason, in reply to an invitation to attend a public dinner in honor of Mr. Brooks, after referring to his social and political intercourse with their able and justly honored representative, adds: I know of none whose public career I hold more worthy the full and cordial approbation of his constituents than his. Jefferson Davis, on the same occasion, wrote: I have only to express to you my sympathy with the feeling which prompts the sons of Carolina to welcome the return of a brother who has be
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
nd tumbles to its fall. These are his very words, uttered in debate here. And his colleague [Mr. Mason], who never hesitates where Slavery is in question, proclaims that it is ennobling, to both rae mother to her offspring, as expressed in the Latin scrap on which the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason] relies: Partus sequitur ventrem. If the offense of Slavery were less extended, if it were merican statutes; for we have the positive and repeated averment of the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], and also of other Senators, that in not a single State of the Union can any such statutes esf-naked African chiefs perpetuated in American Slave-Masters, while the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], perhaps unconscious of their origin, perhaps desirous to secure for them the appearance of a discharged. This was referred to the Select Committee, June 5th. On the 15th of the month, Mr. Mason reported from that Committee, a resolution, that the paper purporting to be a petition from ci
ociety, beneficial to the non-slave-owner as it is to the slave-owner, best for the happiness of both races,—and, in enthusiastic advocacy, declares, that the very keystone of the mighty arch, which, by its concentrated strength, and by the mutual support of its parts, is able to sustain our social superstructure, consists in the black-marble block of African Slavery: knock that out, and the mighty fabric, with all that it upholds, topples and tumbles to its fall. These are his very words, uttered in debate here. And his colleague [Mr. Mason], who never hesitates where Slavery is in question, proclaims that it is ennobling, to both races, the white and the black,—a word which, so far as the slave is concerned, he changes, on a subsequent day, to elevating, assuming still that it is ennobling to the whites,—which is simply a new version of the old assumption, by Mr. McDuffie, of South Carolina, that the institution of Domestic Slavery supersedes the necessity of an order of nob
cessary to violate Nature, so, to perpetuate this claim, it is necessary to change Nature. His final judgment, being the practical conclusion of this outburst, holds up jurisconsults, gravely pronouncing that the child of a slave born a slave, as deciding, in other terms, that a man is not born a man,—thus exposing the peculiar absurdity of that pretension by which Slavery is transmitted from the mother to her offspring, as expressed in the Latin scrap on which the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason] relies: Partus sequitur ventrem. If the offense of Slavery were less extended, if it were confined to some narrow region, if it had less of grandeur in its proportions, of its victims were counted by tens and hundreds instead of millions, the five-headed enormity would find little indulgence; all would rise against it, while Religion and Civilization would lavish choicest efforts in the general warfare. But what is wrong when done to one man cannot be right when done to many. If it i
, takes from her the transferable character of chattel, and confers complete freedom upon their offspring. It is not derived from the Spanish Law; for this law contains hnmane elements unknown to your system, borrowed, perhaps, from Mohammedan Moors who so long occupied Spain; and, besides, our Thirteen Colonies had no umbilical connection with Spain. Nor is it derived from English statutes or American statutes; for we have the positive and repeated averment of the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], and also of other Senators, that in not a single State of the Union can any such statutes establishing Slavery be found. From none of these does it come. No, Sir, not from any land of Civilization is this Barbarism derived. It comes from Africa, ancient nurse of monsters,—from Guinea, Dahomey, and Congo. There is its origin and fountain. This benighted region, we are told by Chief-Justice Marshall in a memorable judgment, still asserts a right, discarded by Christendom, to enslave
the torments of the middle passage,—surviving its countless victims plunged beneath the waves; and it has left the slave-ship only to travel inseparable from the slave in his various doom, sanctioning by its barbarous code every outrage, whether of mayhem or robbery, lash or lust, and fastening itself upon his offspring to the remotest generation. Thus are barbarous prerogatives of barbarous half-naked African chiefs perpetuated in American Slave-Masters, while the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], perhaps unconscious of their origin, perhaps desirous to secure for them the appearance of a less barbarous pedigree, tricks them out with a phrase of the Roman Law, discarded by the Common Law, which simply renders into ancient Latin an existing rule of African Barbarism, recognized as an existing rule of American Slavery. Such is the plain juridical origin of the American slave code, now vaunted as a badge of Civilization. Bnt all law, whatever its juridical origin, whether Christi
Xxviii. Shortly after the delivery of his last speech, Mr. Sumner presented a petition of citizens of Massachusetts of African descent, praying the Senate to suspend the labors of the Select Committee which had been appointed to investigate the late invasion and seizure of property at Harper's Ferry, and that all persons now in custody under the proceedings of such committee, be discharged. This was referred to the Select Committee, June 5th. On the 15th of the month, Mr. Mason reported from that Committee, a resolution, that the paper purporting to be a petition from citizens of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts of African descent, presented to the Senate by Charles Sumner, a Senator of Massachusetts, be returned by the Secretary to the Senator who presented it. Supposing that this resolution would be called up, Mr. Sumner prepared some notes of a speech he intended to deliver on the subject, in which the following paragraph occurred: There is a saying of antiquity, whic
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